In 1966 Argentinians witnessed a coup d'etat which swept away the feeble democratic structures of their country. This coup, like that of 1962, was the result of elections; which, on the previous occasion leading to a victory for Peronism, were threatening to do the same again.
This new class had but recently arisen, and had come from the interior of the country. It was himself supports the CGT the division has rapidly spread to the other Peronist organisations. THE DEATH OF EDUARDO MONDLANE release of their leader from his gaol. From this moment, Peron had established his identity with the working class, which was to form henceforward the basis of his power.
without ties with the old trade union organisations - whether communist, socialist, or anarchist -which were largely based on immigrants who had arrived from Europe between the wars; and the high degree of politicisation among the old organisations had led them into many errors, the chief of which was to analyse Argentine society as analagous to the world struggle between the Allies of a Britain weakened by the war, and it began a transformation of the economic structure towaras economic independence.
Externally, it looked for a third position between the great capitalist and socialist powers; and internally for a class alliance between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, whose common objective was the industrialisation of the country and the simultaneous development of each class as a class.
Yalta, a partition which allowed the growth of the industrialised countries at the expense of all the rest. At the same time, it created the basis for a common identity with the other third world countries, or at least those which through lack of industry were unable to produce goods at a competitive price for the world market. The Peronist economic policy, therefore, was based on nationalisation, a strict control on imports and foreign investment, and on the growth of local production for the domestic market. imperialism preoccupied with investments in Western Europe in order to create a barrier to communism; but from 1950 onwards pressure grew on the Argentinian government.
acute: this struggle took on a racial form because the majority of the new working class were referred to by the oligarchy as "little black-heads" (cabecitas negras) as a result of their mixed origins.
vithout adequate organisation. In 1956 the army suppressed a rebellion by an alliance of workers ind soldiers. In 1958 elections were held from which Peronists were excluded; they were won by Arturo Frondizi with Peronist support. Under his rule, the trade union leaders were gradually integrated into the system; but it is not the trade union bureaucrats or those of the party which represent a threat to the regime, it is the class compositon of the movement itself which forces overthrow of a Government whose only fault was to allow Peronists to win governorship elections. In recent years the only massive opposition to the capitalist system has been the occupation of factories, the continual strikes which, often in opposition to the trade union leaders and at times sold out by them, have combatted the exploitative system blow by blow.
integrate Peronism through the liberal and corporatist currents that were trying to achieve this:
onomicay It was unadie to controt tne muanonary process, une mevnabie iesult or massive y vestments which produced an external debt of $11,500,000 and a consequent dependence on U imperialism. The trade union bureaucracy had also come to the limits of its capacity, cut off as it was from its basis by its anti-worker policies. Four political forces now confront the regime.
According to the latest reports the bomb that killed Eduardo Mondlane.
FRELIMO (Mozambique Liberation Front) that of other radical liberation movements in arrived with a book posted from Western Germany. This will doubtless be bad news to colonialism is seen in terms of economic many journalists and politicians here who looked to splits in FRELIMO and "extremist Splinter groups" to explain the murder. For those who would like to see FRELIMO crippled of the struggle is not simply that of ejecting the by this blow there is yet worse news. For, although shocked and horrified FRELIMO has not stopped still. It is carrying on with its work while choosing a new leader according to the party's democratic procedure.
The executive committee immediately appointed Vice President Uria Simango as acting president and the whole Central Committee will shortly be convening inside Mozambique officially to elect the President. This committee was expanded at the July Congress, and T02 4G up of representatives of the people and army working inside Mozambique; we can be sure that the man they choose will, as Mondlane did, have the full confidence of the party and the majority of people of Mozambique.
These events raise some questions about the concept of leadership in this type of struggle. It was often implied here that Mondlane was moderate, academic and distant from the military struggle. These theories appear to stem from mistaken expectations rather than from the facts. That Mondlane was an intellectual, in the sense that he had had a long formal education, and that he had not physically fought with the army are incidental. What is relevant is that he had a mind capable of grasping the many aspects of the movement's work and that his own job, although deeply concerned with the military struggle, was political. He was not in fact essentially distanced from the army but worked closely with the military leaders and made frequent visits to Mozambique to see for himself what the problems were. On these visits he was often above all assist FRELIMO members in the Peronism, on the other hand, used the opportunity of the Second World War to smash the yoke This was the point of departure of the movement's policy of anti-imperialist internationalism.
This policy was explicitly aimed against the partition which the great powers had worked out in This was how things went up to 1950. It was feasible because of the absence of a yankee US investment began to attract the national bourgeois, and the class struggle became more These contradictons exploded in 1955. The counter-revolution surprised the workers who were The 1966 couped showed how far the regime's powers had declined: politically it was unable to This is bound up with other aspects of president of FRELIMO's political philosophy. It is similar to that it goes well beyond simple nationalism:
exploitation; the action of the immediate enemy, Portugal, is seen as linked with a world imperialist alliance; as a result the avowed aim Portuguese but of building a new social structure in which exploitation of all types will be eliminated and true progress for the whole population will become a possibility. In the specific tactics of the struggle, however, there are differences with of revolutionary thought. From the beginning was involvement of the population was seen as a necessary condition to the launching and to the success of the struggle. Thus after the movement was formed in 1962 two whole years were spent preparing the people before the first military strike was made. Subsequent events confirmed the value of this preparitory work, for initially the population suffered from Portuguese reprisals and from the disruption of trade and services caused by the war. In areas where the political work had been done thoroughly this did not prevent them continuing to support the army with supplies and information and new recruits whereas considerable problems had to be overcome in other areas where the work had been less thorough and the people had an inadequate understanding of the struggle.
The importance of planning for a prolonged has always been recognised by FRELIMO and as a result a certain amount of effort is diverted to developing liberated areas while fighting continues around them. Great demands are thrown on the population of these liberated areas, and education, both political and general, is seen as the most effective tool in achieving progress. They must form their own administration, organise production, assist FRELIMO in organising social services and capital which have been most attacked by the government's policies. Most of its leaders are young and have emerged in recent years with a fundamentally anti-imperialist position; some are olde militants from the revolutionary sectors of the movement. The left CGT's secretary, Ongaro, ha been accused of being a communist by the Argentinian unions, because of the position on Cuba which he has recently adopted.
ideological expression of this tribute was liberalism, and its practical expression was weakness. radicalisation of certain sections of Latin American Catholicism, and direct contact with workers struggle, had converted the students to militant positions. These students waged a violent struggle against the intervention of the military and were immediately supported by the local CGT. A student of working class origins, Santiago Pampillon, was killed in this struggle and he has become the symbol of the student struggle against the regime.
a special student committee and has set aside a part of its daily paper for student affairs, show that with the passage of time.
FOTIA PERONIST YOUTH movement were arrested after starting a guerrilla movement in Tucaman.
PROSPECTS movement is also urgently required.
people with it until imperialism has been eradicated from their country.
means also that civilian and military units must be able to take responsibility to act on their own initiative under general directives of the party. As the areas of activity become larger and good communications become increasingly difficult to maintain this becomes progressively more important.
The policy decision of FRELIMO are taken collectively by the Central Committee and military tactics are decided in the context of the whole struggle. The leaders must be able to guide the struggle on all fronts and in all areas, and this cannot be done effectively by one man. Unity and co-operation remain essential conditions for success. Hence the importance of the structure of the party, the new enlarged Central Committee, and the machinery through which decisions can be communicated to all branches.
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BULLETIN of Marxist Studies. No.3 contains International Monetary Crisis, Ken Tarbuck Sectarianism, Bensaid & Weber. Discussion on Fourth International, Fernbach and Arthur. Reprint - The professional Dangers of Power, Christian Rakovsky.
Tom Fawthrop on France 1/10 pp. BMS, 4 Norwood House, Peakes Road, Rugeley, Staffs.
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ARE you really commitica: in "NEW REVOLUTIONARIES", Tariq Ali, Regis Debray, Ernest Mandel and others close ranks. Published by Peter Owen. 38/The oppositionist CT has its main support in the branches of the interior and in those of the The new left has been active mainly in the university and consists mainly of students. When the coup of 1966 took place these groups confronted military intervention on the campus; the autonomy of the University was over. The intense politicisation that then took place appeared to be the converse of the tribute which the university had traditionally paid for its autonomy: the In Cordoba university, which used to be a base of right-wing Catholic students, the The participation by students in the latest actions of the CGT, and the fact that CT has set up for the first time there is a co-operation between workers and students which will become stronger FOTIA is a grouping that unites the workers in the sugar industry in the northern province of Tucaman. Recently unemployment has risen considerably and FOTIA has organised occupations, strikes and demonstrations. A climate of agitation is spreading throughout the northern provinces.
A Pro-Cuban youth movement, it works underground in unions and working class sections of town. Many have been tortured and killed: in October of last year fourteen members of the vouth It is neither easy nor immediately possible to create a revolutionary movement in a country the size of Argentina. The Tucuman guerrilas were only a preparatory stage. An urban guerrilla The acts of terrorism that take place every day in the cities, the bank raids carried out by revolutionary organisations, the rise of guerrilla groups in Tucuman in the north and Rio Gallegos in the south, and the recent worker-student demonstrations in the midst of violent repression - all these signify a new stage of violence in the revolutionary struggle, which will carry the Argentinian The recent disaster has only reinforced the correctness of this approach. For had Eduardo Mondlane made himself into the type of messianic hero which journalists and some romantic would-be revolutionaries look for in such a struggle, the enemies of FRELIMO would have been able to claim a partial victory in his assassination. As it is they have robbed the movement of one dynamic and brilliant leader and they have caused enormous grief to many individuals, but they have not beheaded the movement or stopped the revolution.
N.B. It is now more important than ever to give positive support to the Mozambique struggle. Offers of help and enquiries should go The Committee for Freedom in Mozambique 1 Antrim Road London NW3 Tel: 01-722 9030 STUDENT at Illinois University wants pen-pals: Miss Kristina Starkus, 7207 S. Campbell Street, Chicago, for film. Actors/ Actresses.
Experienced/Inexperienced, A merican/British, Young/Old. Needed for short feature to be shot in London this spring. Call 352-2300 or KIL-1024 for immediate information.
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Workers democracy has always been a basic tenet of the proletarian movement. It was a tradition in the socialist and communist movement to firmly support this principle in the time of Marx and Engels as well as of Lenin and Trotsky. It took the Stalinist it. However, the origins of this challenge to workers democracy are deeper and older; they lie in the bureaucratization of the large The Social Democratic and trade-union bureaucrats were the first to begin to undermine the principles of workers democracy. They started calling general membership meetings at infrequent intervals. Then they began to rig them, or often to do away with them altogether. They began likewise to restrict or abolish freedom of discussion and criticism within their organizations. They did not hesitate even to appeal to the police (including the secret police) for help in fighting revolutionary minorities. At the time of the first world war, the German Social Denocracy set a dismal example of collusion with the state repressive forces. In subsequent years, the The Soviet bureaucracy first and then the bureaucrats in the Stalinist Communist parties (or in trade unions under Stalinist leadership)
simply followed the pattern established by the Social Democrats, extending it further and further. They abolished freedom of discussion and of tendencies. Slander and lies replaced argument and debate with opponent tendencies. They made massive use of physical force to prevent their opponents from "causing any harm". Thus, the entire Bolshevik old guard which led the October Revolution and the majority of the members of Lenin's Central Committee were exterminated by Stalin during the dark years of the Great Purge (1935-38).
The young generation of anti-imperialist and anticapitalist militants now developing a revolutionary consciousness are spontaneously returning to the traditions of workers democracy. This was apparent in France in May and June when freedom of speech for all tendencies was jealously safeguarded in the assemblies of students and revolutionary workers and students. But this new generation is This is why the youth can be vulnerable to a kind of Stalinist-derived demagogy being spread by certain pro-Chinese sects, which seek to make people believe that workers democracy is contrary to "the interests of the revolution." Therefore, it is necessary to reaffirm these The workers movement fights for the emancipation of the proletariat. But this emancipation requires the abolition of all forms of exploitation to which the workers are subjected. Rejecting workers democracy means quite simply that you want to maintain a The Marxist critique of bourgeois democracy starts from the idea that this democracy is only formal because the workers do not have the material means to exercise the rights which the bourgeois constitutions formally grant all citizens. Freedom of the press is just a But the conclusion that follows from this critique of bourgeois democracy, obviously, is that means must be created enabling all the corkers to have access to the media for disseminating ideas (printing presses, meeting halls, radio and television, posters, etc.). If, on the The Stalinists often reply that abolition of the capitalist system equals emancipation of the workers. We agree that abolition of private ownership of the means of production, of the profit economy, and of the bourgeois state are essential conditions for the emancipation capitalist system is abolished, the question arises of who is going to run the factories, the economy, the municipalities, the state, the If a single party claims the right to administer the state and the society; if it imposes a monopoly of power by terror; if it does not permit the mass of workers to express their opinions, their criticisms, their worries, and their demands; if it excludes the workers from administration - then it is inevitable that a widening gulf will develop between this omnipotent bureaucracy and the mass of workers. Then, emancipation of the workers is only a deception. And without real workers democracy in all areas, including freedom of These principled reasons are re-inforced by practical ones. Like all social classes in history, the working class is not homogeneous. It has common class interests, both immediate interests and historical interest. But this community of interests is interwoven with differences consciousness. Many strata of the working class have not yet become conscious of their historical interests. Others have been influenced by bourgeois and petty-bourgeois ideoligies. Still others are weighed down by the burden of past defeats and failures, of scepticism, o However, the capitalist system cannot be overthrown unless the entire working class is mobilized in action against it. And this unity in action can only be obtained if these various special interests and levels of consciousness can be expressed in, and little by little neutralized through, debate and persuasion. Denying this diversity can only result in a breakdown of unity in action and in driving Anyone with experience in strikes has been able to see in practice that the most successful actions are prepared and conducted through numerous assemblies, first of the unionized workers and later of all the workers concerned. In these asse bies, all the reasons in favour of the strike can be developed, all opinions can be expressed, and all the class enemy's arguments can be exposed. If a strike is launched without the benefit of such democracv, there is much more risk that many workers will observe it halfheartedly, if at all. If this is true for an isolated strike, it holds all the more for a general strike or for a revolution. All the great revolutionary mobilizations of the workers - from the Russian revolution to the revolutionary upsurge of May and June 1968 in France and including the Germar and Spanish revolutions, to cite only these examples - have been characterized by veritable explosions of workers democracy. In these instances, many working-class tendencies coexisted, expressed themselves freely in speeches and in the press, and debated before the The word "soviet" - council of workers delegates — expresses this unity of opposites — the unity of the workers in the diversity of their tendencies. In the Second Congress of Russian Soviets, which took power in the October Revolution, there were a dozen different tendencies and parties. Every attempt to repress this workers democracy - by the Social Democracy in Germany, the the Stalinists in The absence of workers democracy not only hampers unity in action, it also obstructs working out a correct political line. It is true that the workers movement has an excellent theoretical instrument to guide it in the often extremely complicated twists and turns of economic, social, and political struggles — revolutionary Marxism. But this tool must still be used correctly. And no one person Without any doubt, Marx and Lenin were geniuses. But life and history ceaselessly pose new problems which cannot be solved simply by turning to the scriptures. Stalin, who was considered by many honest Communists before his death to be "infallible," in reality deaths of 0000 of nde indonesian CP, up until the eve of the military coup d'etat. This policy was at least partielly responsible for the As for the myth that the Central Committee of a party is "always right," or that the majority of this committee is "always right," Mao himself rejected it in the famous resolution passed to the CC of the CCP [Chinese Communist party] on the "cultural revolution" in But if no person or group has a monopoly on truth and wisdom, then discussion is indispensable to determine a correct political line. Rejection of discussion under any pretext (and the pretext that a political opponent is "counter revolutionary" or an "enemy agent" is as old as bureaucracy), or substituting epithets or physical violence for debate, means condemning oneself to remain the victim of false Marxism is a guide to action, they often say. That is true. But Marxism is distiaguished from utopian socialism by its appeal to scientific analysis. It does not focus on action per se. It focuses on action which can influence historical reality, which can change it in a given Ernest Mandel Roger Garudy, Communist Student Union.
workers organizations.
Bureaucracy Against Workers Democracy Social Democrats evervwhere followed this example.
reasons strongly.
formality when only the newspaper.
it alone is "genuinely revolutionary' political oppression of the workers rather than abolishing it.
of the workers. But saying that these are schools and universities.
organization and press, real emancipation of the workers is impossible.
Workers Democracy Required for Unity in Action which have various origins of the degradation caused by capitalist society, etc successive groups of workers into passivity or into the camp of the enem. chue cassI Spain - has presaged, if not expressed, a setback or defeat for the revolution. Without Workers Democracy No Correct Political Line has a monopoly on its correct application.
committed many errors, to say nothing of crimes, some of which three decades for the entire Soviet deaths of 500,000 Indonesian Communists and workers.
April 1967.
ideas, inadequate analyses, and errors with debilitating if not catastrophic consequences.
direction in the direction of socialist revolution one of the French CP's leading intellectuals, He had been invited to lecture on May 1968' by the lecture; and Ernest Mandel- whose important Marxist Economic Theory has recently Various factions on the left effectively broke up the been published by Merlin Press - was moved to write the following rebuke. not always conscious of all the principled and practical reasons for workers democracy.
situation like the one today in which the masses of workers are unable to make their opinions heard.
capitalists and their agents are able to get together the millions of pounds needed to establish a daily contrary, you conclude from this that only a self-proclaimed "leading party of the proletariat"
- has the right to speak, to use the press, or to propagate its ideas, then you risk increasing the "essential" conditions does not mean that they are "sufficient". - immediate special interests (professional, group, regional, craft interests, etc.) and different levels of people. Mao Tse-tung, -В ГСО IУ0 visited Brussels - or even a little sect which declares that because as soon as the as in agricultural policy - have had pernicious consequences for whom other naive souls also consider "infallible," endorsed the
Often these arguments in favour of the principles and practice of workers democracy are countered in Stalinist circles by the assertion which claim to be antibureaucratic and very left take a similar line to justify booing and hissing or resorting to physical violence as a enemy". In practice, the Stalinists try to replace debate by repression, if not murder and the use of tanks against the workers (from the Moscow Trials to the intervention in Hungary and Czechoslovakia). The ultraleftists limit themselves more modestly to preventing Garaudy from speaking, doubtless until the dreamed-of day when they can use more "effective" means modeled on the Stalinist ones.
The defense of these inadmissible practices on alleged revolutionary grounds arises from a threefold confusion. First of all, free debate is not a "privilege" which revolutionary Marxists are free to either grant or not grant to "revisionists." It is a right which Marxists demand One would have to be blind not to see that in the great majority of cases it is the Social Democratic and Khrushchevite "revisionists" who hold the positions of power in the unions and the other workers organizations. It is the Marxists and the revolutionists who are in It is not evident that if the "revisionists" are prevented from speaking, in those rare cases when they are in a minority position, this representatives of revolutionary groups from speaking in workers' assemblies, sometimes even using physical violence. The Marxists the working class. But if they in turn had resorted to the same methods, their argument would have lost all validity. The workers would Moreover, to talk about "revisionists," overlooking the little detail that these class collaborationists still enjoy relative confidence and a It is impossible to succeed in this task, which is one of the most difficult faced by Marixists in Western Europe, without raising the confrontations. Denunciation, epithets, or blows will not convince the workers still under the control of the Social Democracy nor those who follow the Khrushchevite CP: because they think it is, despite everything, still Communist. Those who use these methods will Finally, it must be carefully explained that calling the "revisionist" Social Democrats or Khrushchevites "capitalists," or "capitalist Of course, the working-class bureaucracies objectively act in the interests of capital, primarily by channeling the workers' periodic revolutionary explosions toward reformist outlets and thereby blocking opportunities to overthrow capitalism. They play the same role by influencing the workers on a day-to-day basis in favor of class collaboration, undermining their class consciousness with ideas taken But the objective function and role of these bureaucracies is not confined to maintaining class peace. In pursuing their routine reformist activities, they come in conflict with the everyday interests of capitalism. The wage increases and social welfare laws won by the reformists - in exchange for their pledge to keep the workers' demands within limits that do not threaten the bases of the system reduce the capitalists profits somewhat. The trade-union organizations which they lead inject the collective power of labour into the daily relationships between the bosses and the workers. And as a result, these conflicts have an altogether different outcome from the When the capitalist economy is flourishing, the bourgeoisie is willing to pay the price represented by these concessions in return for But when the capitalist economy is in a bad way, these same concessions rapidly become unacceptable to the bourgeoisie. Then, it is in the capitalists' interest to eliminate these organizations completely, even the most moderate and reformist This shows the real nature of the reformist bureaucracy in the workers movement. This bureaucracy is not composed of owners of capital who buy labour power in order to approprate surplus value. It is composed of salaried employees (of the workers organizations of the state) who vacillate and waver between the camp of capital and of the proletariat, sometimes leading toward one, sometimes toward the other, depending on their particular interests and the pressures to which they are subjected. And, in facing the class enemy, the vanguard workers have every reason to do their utmost to force these bureaucrats to return to their camp. Otherwise, the common Overlooking these elementary truths leads to the worst of catastrophes. The workers movement learned this to its cost during the rise of between the "revisionist Social Democrats and fascists. It was even proclaimed that the Social Democracy had to be defeated before While the Social Democratic and Communist workers were happily bashing each other's heads in - the reformist leaders shared the dissolved all the workers organizations. Thus, he made possible a temporary, if somewhat embittered, reconciliation between the Social Democrats and the Communists.. in the concentration camps. Would it not have been better, while not making any concessions in the On an infinitely smaller and less tragic scale, the situation in the university can lead to a dilemma of the same type overnight. All the left tendencies are fighting to gain recognition of their right to carry on "political activities" on the campus. But it is quite possible that the administration will take the incidents surrounding Garaudy's visit as a pretext for banning any more political lectures. What other course, then, is there but to fight together to win minimum political freedom in the university? Would it not be preferable to respect the rules of workers democracy from now on, since they conform to the common interests of the workers movement and the student In 1957, in response to the official revelation of Stalin's crimes made at the Twentieth Congress of the Soviet Communist party (which he approved of at the time). Mao Tse-tung stressed the necessity of distinguishing carefully between how to settle differences among the But this distinction has meaning only if it is based on objective criteria. The capitalists (and in less industrialized countries, the landlords) are the enemy. The people are the mass of producers. white-collar workers, and, in semicolonial countries, the poor peasants. If subjective criteria ("Anybody who doesn't support every one of my tactical turns is a capitalist and a counter-revolutionary. even if he served as president of the People's Republic of China and vice-chairman of the Chinese Communist party for twenty years!") are substituted for these objective criteria, then you fall into complete arbitrariness. You end, of course, by wiping out the distinction between "contradictions among the people" and "conflicts with the class enemy," treating the former more and more like the latter. Of course, it is impossible to make an absolute and total separation between the two. Marginal cases are possible. We advocate frank In every marginal case, however, we must distinguish acts (or crimes) from opinions and ideologicaltendencies. Acts must be proved and judged according to clearly established, well-defined criteria of the workers' interest (or after the overthrow of capitalism, of socialist legality) so as to prevent arbitrariness. Failure to distinguish between acts and opinions can only result in extinguishing workers democracy, lowering the level of consciousness and mobilization of the workers, and progressively robbing the revolutionists themselves Some persons peremptorily declare that the question of democracy is only a question of the relationship of forces! When the That is at once cynical and naive. And when groups calling themselves "anarchist." "libertarian " or "antiorganizational" apply such maxims, they display the most aberrant illogicality. It is impossible to inspire the least confidence, to gain the least credit among the In the last analysis, this question is a very simple one. If you have confidence in your ideas, if you are convinced that you are right, you will not fear to debate with anyone. We strengthen ourselves by defending our ideas against all comers. We increase our strength by developing consciousness in at least a part of the audience. (Only an audience composed exclusively of people whose social and material when he was prevented from speaking. Demolishing him in a debate, showing the emptiness of his argument and the pernicious role his From the psychological standpoint, to refuse to discuss and to resort to insults or "arguments of force" reflects a lack of confidence, an i the cas main of hum that workers democracy cannot be extended to the substitute for debate with their political onponents Both the Stalinists and the ultraleftists cry:
No Democracy for the "Revisionists"
for themselves.
Very often during the May days, the PCF [Parti Communiste Francias -responded vigorously to this and tried have condemned them as hypocrites and fakers.
following among the majority of organized workers workers level or consciousness onlv convince those already convinced, that is, a tiny minority.
agents" shows a dangerous theoretical confusion.
Revisionists Are Not Capitalists from the bourgeois world.
past century, when the strength of the trade unions was slight or nonexistent.
"social peace. defense would be greatly weakened.
tascism. Ai that ume, une "genius"
the struggle against the Nazis could be won.
responsibility this time equally with their Stalinist counterparts confrontation movement?
- by persuasion, debate, practical experience implicitly reaffirming the need to uphold workers democracy among the people." of their ability to orient themselves politically.
Joes This Involve Relationship of Forces Or Is It a Question of Principle? unhealthy timidity and inferiority (or guilt) complex.
selt, in the case of saull gre e te feats for the class: the minority and demand the right for free discussion (which is too often denied them).
weakens the struggle for workers democracy wherever the bureaucracy still decides the rules of the game?
, not without success, to convince the workers that these practices were harmful to the interests of hamstringing yourself beforehand in the struggle to win these sectors of workers away from their baneful influence.
and political understanding. ones. The very existence of the unions becomes incompatible with the survival of the system.
Contradictions Among the People And Contradications Between Capital and Labor Stalin invented the theory of "Social Fascism.
ideological struggle against revisionism, to fight together against the Nazis and prevent them from taking power? debate in meetings of strikers. We do not think that we need restrict ourselves to polite discussion with strike-breakers.
lesionmcat and demoraliation of individuals of the workers is concerned. in defeats with a long The Black Dwarf 28th Fet "enemies of socialism" inside the workers movement. Curiously, certain groups "You don't argue with the revisionists, capitalist forces. and the representatives of the French Communist Party| leaders prevented students and — as the events in France have just confirmed - is obviously self-defeating. It means And this requires ever more convincing debate and ideological According to this theory there was no difference Hitler came to power, massacred thousand of worker militants, and and how to proceed in conflicts with the class enemy. Here he was onlv - and even then!) Garaudy was handed an easy victory
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bureaucrats are stronger they suppress us. When we are stronger why not suppress them? broader masses if you trample on your own principles. interest present an insuperable barrier to their understanding may be unmovable - party played during the May-June events would have dealt him a smashing defeat.