As the Cambridge progressed through committal, and appeal, it had less and less more and mon major politica peect Court of Appeal last Wednesday Justice Sachs saw fit to give a lurid highly emotional description of an event which he did not attend. Those of us who did attend it, who know what happened and why it happened, feel nothing but contempt for him and what he represents.
The verdicts in the court of appeal are the culmination of the first broadside in the law and order campaign. From start to finish, the trial was a direct exercise in political intimidation and repression.
Although 'Justice' Melford Stevenson said at the start of the trial in Hertford that the political background to the demonstration at the Garden House Hotel was "irrelevant', the politics of the defendants were a major element in the prosecution's attack; indeed, those arrested after the demonstration included an ex-chairman, the chairman, and the chairman-elect of the university Socialist Society, and between them these fourteen represented the Communist Party, International Socialism, and the CPB (M-L).
The national significance of the Cambridge Trial will be immediately apparent. Charges of riot and unlawful assembly have eventually succeeded, after an unhappy history in recent cases, such as the South Africa House demonstration. Cambridge was a test case, and the success of the prosecution has provided a dangerous precedent. The remarks of Sachs last Wednesday means that any demonstration in the future will need only three agents provocateurs to become a riot.
The lesson of the Appeal verdict is simple: the liberal view of the case-the "bad judge" argument—is a total fallacy. Melford Stevenson's political background made the argument an attractive one, but the statement of judgement was a whitewashing job (the summing-up suddenly became "impeccable" after being 'unintelligible' the day before. The entire official Greek manifestation in Cambridge. '(The Hotel had of course denied throughout that the dinner had any connection with the regime in Greece, and the prosecution were adamant throughout the trial that the whole evening was completely apolitical.)
But it is not only the Junta that is gratified by the severity of the sentence. The manipulated press (with a few ISolalcO qualifications) have declared approval. The local bourgeoisic, representative in Parliament, David Lane had earlier hoped "that the ringleaders will be dealt with very severely indeed', have their pound of flesh and appear satiated. But the Cambridge Evening News, who benefitted from the original "Greek Week to the tune of an 8-page Holiday Supplement, and who played a key role in the demands for punishment, has back-pedalled somewhat. Undoubtedly, this shift in position by a paper which has a monopoly of local news and opinion, reflects the considerable feeling amongst Cambridge people that the sentences were harsh and unjust.
The Left in Cambridge, who, in the face of repression, have rediscovered the virtues of unity and organisation, are already prepared to pass over the offensive when the new term begins. Activity date has been preliminary and defensive; gathering the 18,000 signatures for the petition against the deportations (work which is, thankfully, wasted) and preparing detailed information on the role of the proctors, and University discipline procedures, as well as a lengthy pamphlet for those students returning in October. In short, the foundations are being laid for an all-out assault on the University power structure next term.
The primary aim of the strategy will be to show the authorities that repression does not work, and that, in their own terms, the sentences are counter-pro ductive. The Left is anticipating the coming term with something approaching relish—a sentiment which is not, one need hardly add, matched by the University bosses. While many of the old liberal rulers of the university are unhappy about becoming the allies of the local Tory Establishment, Greek fascism and its local apologists, (like Page, the Master of Jesus.) But that, is their hang-up MAXWELL SMITH
C.R.A.P. REPLIES TO SHIT IN DWARF Whilst paper lefties in Wardour Street mock and scorn with ultra-serious Marxist frowns on their highly theoretical faces, the self-indulgent antics of an anti-election day rampage round the city-THE FESTIVAL OF THE STREETS-you might at least come off your high horses and admit a few facts. 1) Black Dwarf did sweet fuck all to relate the orgasm-day of bourgois democracy to any counter-activity, and declined to assist in our anti-election campaign. Thank-you comrades! and Want •TO THI TEMPLE THE MONEY LEN. DERS- -and we went via the streets of the marching through the slum areas of the East End, with not a little support from rent rebels, squatters U.D.l.ers from Isle of Dogs etc. etc.
It is your privilege to ridicule us, and conceal the limited success of our efforts in the East End from your readers, if this gives you some perverse satisfaction. But whilst you continue to analyse the parties, you might take a hard look at the real significance of the election, in terms of a refusal to vote from large sections of workers.
Our don't vote campaign brought decisive results in the East End, 2 constituencies failed to even poll 50% total in votes. Poplar 49.1% Stepney 45% where mood Parliament" VICTORY TO THE NON-VOTERS. More than a dozen other working class constituencies in Manchester, Sheffield, and Glasgow also registered phenomenally low polls.
In spite of all those who urged, safetyfirst vote Labour, it is clear that rank and file militancy and the galloping desire for direct action over the last five years has now posed a serious threat and alternative to the bourgeois ritual of voting. History is full of surprises, particularly for the vanguards who turn out to be somewhat in the rearguard of 28.5 of registered voters who didn't vote (national average) which was well over 1 in every 3 workers in solid class-constituencies.
It would appear that there are a growing number of adventure among the ranks clear that it was not a cop-out. Dylan wore a white armband to show his solidarity with the anti-war movement, and according to an aide "decided to accept the degree as a gesture to the student movement and to what has been happening on campuses across the country."
Nor is Chester's argument for a musical regression satisfactory. It seems to hinge on an unspoken assumption that country music is inherently reactionary, and that to adopt it is as a style denotes a reac tionary political position. This begs a major theoretical question about the relationship of musical styles and ideologies, but it's enough to consider Johnny Cash to show the complexity of country music in his respect. Cash's recent song What Truth?' was a frontal assault on the attitudes of the white southerners who make up his audience, yet Cash also recently visited the White House and came away saying that America should give Nixon a chance. Country music is full of such contradictions.
It is also the music of the majority of the white industrial proletariat in the U.S., and significantly, it has provided the inspiration for the best of recent rock music: The Band, Creedence Clearwater Revival, Byrds, Burrito Brothers, Dillard and Clark etc. Far from Dylan having sold out, I suspect he may be at the most important creative nexus of rock music today.
fraternally, Dave Laing. 118, Westminster Rd., Perry Barr Birmingham 20 1/7/70 Comrades, I am writing to protest about the complete misrepresentation of Ken Tarbuck's article given in the 12th of June issue of the Dwarf.
The article "Slogans and Counter Slogans" has Tarbuck saying that a Tory victory, no matter how small or large, would marshall in the counter-revolution'. This is a complete misrepresentation of the article which even the most cursory glance would show to be untrue.
Tarbuck's article in fact argued that "..the historical evidence we have points to the fact that the only Communist Parties of any significance that were built after 1919 were those that arose out of a split in the main working class parties and trade unions, i.e. they were grounded in the existing labour movements 'And that Blackburn's proposals of disruption would-"if pursued by Marxists only lead to their complete estrangement from the working class.
I would recommend to those readers of the Black Dwarf who are interested to get hold of a copy of Tarbucks's article, which has been kept out of the Red Mole and now is misrepresented completely in the Black Dwarf.
Fraternally, J. Parker.