THE PALESTINIAN RESISTANCE MOVEMENT AND THE JORDANIAN GOVERNMENT 10th FEBRUARY: at 2 p.m. a 13 point munique, of which 12 points are addressed to the Palestinian resistance movement, is pubshed by the Council of Ministers, which has meeting under Hussin's chairmanship the morning. This communique appears one day after Hussein's return from Cairo, after the resounding failure of the Conference of the countries "at war with Israel", and five days after Hussein's meeting with the United States Ambassador in Amman. The communique is in fact an ultimatum. At 10 p.m. the same day, all the Palestinian organisations together bring out a communique answering the authorities, it's a revolutionaty manifesto of the Palestinian orga nisations, Together, they set up a unified command of the Palestinian resistance movement, to be in continuous occupation of a command post somewbere in Amman.
For their part, the repressive forces had already been on the alert four days before the publication of the royal ultimatum. Although the evening is quiet, a state of acute tension persists. The fedayeen patrol the town and fraternie with the population, explaining the meaning of the royal ultimatum. 11th FEBRUARY: Shots are heard, scattered and sporadic, Clashes are reported, but no real engagements. The leaders of the resistance organisations remain in control of the situstion.
The authorities set up barriers at the enIrance of Ammon. The frontiers of Syria, Lebaton and Irag are very closely supervised, and he armed fedayeen can neither enter nor leave the country. Everybody arriving in Amman is palastakingly searched. If any of the trayellers returning home are armed, they are forced to give up their arms.
At Mafrak, a town on the road to Irag. which is declared a military zone and has one of the main military airports, a barrier is set up ry the authorities, surrounding the town and Hocking all the strategic points. Another barner is set up between Jarrach and Irbid, near the Syria-Jordan frontier, another strategie point.
The Northern, central and Southern platix are subjected to similar military precau Amman, a fedayeen gefting off a bus is accosted by an army unit holding a barrier. He is ordered to give up his weapons, he refuses, resists physically, is overcome and locked up, to be rel only in the evening.
The Palestinian orgunisations, through their unified command, take decisions which bind the whole resistance movement. Late in the night a meeting takes place with the representstives of the royalists. At the same time the authorities apply a strategy of isolating Amman from the rest of the country, and especially of cutting off the Palestinian organisations" leaders from their units, camps and bases. The unified command of the resistance movement directs the fedayeen not to yield to intimidations, to explain the meaning of their struggle, to explain he counter-revolutionary manoeires of th ordinian authorities. and to freternise with the soldiers. The fedayeen are ordered to cros the barriers with their arms in their hands and to te taliate against all armed attacks by the authori. ties. In the North of the country an El Fatah supply van falls under the fire of the army and confiscated. The driver, a fedayeen, is killed. Three members of the Saika are imprisoned and subsequently released At Djabbal-Bttaj, a fixed battle has broken out between the fedayeen and the Bedouin Leg. ion, and is prolonged until nightfall. Several feduyeen are killed. The fedayeen take a police post, and seven policemen are taken prisoner. The army has lost three armoured cars during the engagement.
Late in the night, Hussein, during a mecting with the representatives of the Palestinian resistance movement in the private house of the Prime Minister, Talhouni (a reactionary minister well-known for his pro-imperialist positions). nakes the following stafement: "The commun que issued by the Council of Ministers yester day is not directed against the Poitstinian organisations, but is concerned with tue presenation of order in the country... Wat is he play ing at now? 12th FEBRUARY: The harriers ate still up. but the army and the police hisse withdrawn from the centre of Amman. The civilian populaton haternises with the fedayeen, who circalate frocly in the town. Very conscious of the gravity of the sitation, the fedayeen act with great revolutionary discipline.
At the Elwandeth camp. a real fixed battle The ledayeen besiege the post and want to take it over. At Mafrak. Jarach. Irbid: on the great Norther, central and Southern plateaux.
the barriers are still up. The Palestinian organisations demand that all the govemments which have not yet declared themselves should define their position clearly in face of the aggressive intentions of the reactionary Jordanian regitte.
In Cairo, in response to the appeal of the Palestinian organisations, the radio announces that "King Hussein has postponed the journcy he intended to make to Abu-Dhabi and Palistan, owing to the disturbances; the authorities are following closely developments in Jordan." A clear indication of which way the wind blows in Cairo.
In Baghdad, the radio announces that the government has threatened the Jordanian regime that it will withdraw its troops from the front if the situstion remains tense botween the Palestinian resistance movement and the Jordanian authorities, and states that Tkriti. Depuly Prime Minister and Ministet of National Defence, is arriving today in Amman to discuss the situation with the king...
In Damascus, the radio declares that the Syrian authorities will put themselves at the disposal of the Palestinian resistance movament and will send reinforcements, if the Jordanian government decides to repress it.
In Tripoli, the radio announces that the government will revoke the undertaking it toul it at the Arab summit of Rabat, on the financial aid it was to provide for Jordan. if the royul authorities repres the Palestinian resistance movement; but if the Palestinian organisations do not unite, it will be obliged to roconsider its attitude towards them (!!!).
While itiese radio announcements go on, the battle of Elwahdeth continues. Ar Mafrak, the resistance movement has succeaded in dislodeing the armed forces from the pusition they are occupying, and this allows them to control the stralegie roud which links the contre with the North of the country. Troop morements towards the North indicato that reinforcements: are heing sent by the government to the dislodged units. Motorised units are sent towards Amman, From the direction of Soulleh. A communique, signed by various political organisations, trade union, professional. student, women, elc., criticises the Jordanian government, makes it responsibie for what has happened, and demands the setting up of a miritic overnment at the linanas. resistance movement continue until the end of the afternoos. The authorities propose a common communique. The Palestinian anganisations refuse because the communique says nothing of their demands: (1) that the ultimatum should be doclated null, (2) that the situatina should he restored to what it was at 2 p.m. on 10.2.70. It is decided to meet again at 6.30 p.m.
After this first failure, barriers hegin to make an appearance in the streets of Amman, and thie fedayeen, arsed to the toeth, take up positions at strategic points in the city. Thero are stronger and stronger rumours of lank movements in Amman. Fedayeen units move around the town and the immediate sutroundings, and set up barricades. The state of amergency is maintained until the following day, in spite of the agreoment reached between the ropresentatives of the resistance movement and the royal authorities. The agreement is unclear, but is therefore open to various interpretations, it is above all the result of a relation of forces favourable to the Palestinian movement. But it is clear to everybody that the real decision has merely been postporied. 13th FEBRUARY: The Unified Command of the Palestinian Kesistance Movement (UCPR.M) issues a communique in which it uxplains to the population of Jordan and Palestine, to the Arab masses and to the international working-class movement, how the organisations of the Palestinian resistance movement interpret the agreement, The situation slowly reluros to "normal". The fedayeen are still occupy ing cerlain terraces in Amman, the loudspeakers broadcast information und advice to the population massed on the pavements (in order to avoid provocations) and launch appeals for vigilance, Peculiarly unexpected scenes occur: embraces between tedayeen and police agents, between fedayeen and soldiers of the royal army. The policy of Iraternisttion with the police and the army ordered by the leaders of the Unified Command, is bearing fruit. The ordinary soldier of the Jordanian army has a practical renlisation of the unity of his situation with that of the feday con.
vut phen by a Japanto a member of the Red alcresting for a mambor of res it to a wurkers parorionary polnat inself to divistors me it ado ince these dire Acre of servittions action.
Id be read in conjunction the article by Ber-Said in the fast fastic.
i provides a thererical Jrantework for the is of such denelopments. In the next we will be prinring ant article on the hensen faction of the American SDS.
erhaps we could begin by asking you to tell omething about the situation in Japan imdiately at the end of the second World War more particularly whst revolutionary forces there in Japan at this time, and what were doing?
ng the second World War all independent cinp-ciass political activity was repressed. only political party that had not completecapitulated to the Japanese Emperor HiroTad boen the Comnianist Party. Ara fesit credit was hight and it had political hege ay in the Trade Union movement -the activthat is. There was no large social democracarry to contend with. Until about 1950 it Found itself in the position of colluding a the American military authoritics. They mr introducing some bourge cois democratic wins, often against the wishes of Hirohito his cutoura During this whole period it had spon- The CP welco ned these revery militant activity but it restricif to the Trade Union Geld. Politically it Iran independent role. Once the Amrestructured the Japancie Govern i to their liking, they had no farther need from the ACT so that they were hen are to deal as they wished with this bat dubious ally. From 1950 to 1954 the st Party was illegal. Militants were (from factories under pressure from the pation Army. The CP made matters se for itself by having made no effective aration for this development-it had even es a list of its members to the Japanese Govment. The General Secretary of the CP it time was a man named Tokuda, whose folens have subsequently bocume pro-Chinese what political forces have filled the vacuum ed by the demise of the CP: el, the crushing of the CP give an opportunily to the Japancie bourgeoisic to construct a cial democratic party. The Americans of urse played no small part in the development this party. Before 1949 the majority of this malist Party had been rightist social demo There was a minority, ho wever, which conid of Left social democrats, essentially takyites. A new federation of Trade Unions nised in 1951 culled SOYO. It was tically tied to the Socialist Party. Its found arvention in 1951. It supported the Koran War and was in turn supported by the US Army. Any mass meeting pot under its auspices was banned by the Government. In 1952. However, SOHYO changed its line and adopted a Nehru-typs "neutralist" position, lurgely in response 1o widespread pacifist feelings among the Japanese mases. The Left Kuutskyites became a mujority, which bocame a larger and larger majority throughout the "50s. In 1959 they split from the right, which wasleft as a tiny Parliamentary rump (10 scat). The big econdrecovery after the Korcan War created the in dithers for the appearance of a large 1omist Trade Union movement. Some spontasus rank-and-fle growth of the workers movement did take place but it was crushed by ounteratucks of the Gosemment after 1957. A national railway stake and a national "strike were both defcated in that year, After tat time the workert did not itstilute independeet political activity but did join the political demonstrations organised by the students to a limited extent.
How did this student movement develop?
he Zenpakuren was founded in 1947 as a Nat mal Federation of Student Uniots. Althoug deeply political, its politics were in esscrice bourgrois democratic. Until 1950 its activities centred on attacking reactionary profossors. It was, however, the only movement which effectively resisted the Korean War and the Red Purge of the carly "SOs. The American and Japanese bourgeoisie attempted to weed out Communist pro wete prevented from doing so by the militancy of the student movement. The Zen I reusted the Korean War, a movement which had a large following owing to the widespread pas isnt which existed in Japan. The Communist Party was active in the Zengakuren throughour this period. The National Committee was elected by the National Conference and the delegates to this conference were chosen by local Zengakuren cells. which were under the control of thie CP. There was an opposition which was politically to the right of the CP but was adventurist in its tactics. What did change was the leadership of the Zengakuen which fluctuated from being controlled by bureaucratic elements in the CP. to being led by opposition currents in 1951/52 and back to the Bureaucrats aguin in 1933/54. After 1955 the Communist Party began to attempt to reorganse its structure and in 1956 the Zengakten was reorganised under a new leadership. it never had to go folly underground like the Communist Party but operated in a semi-clandestine manner. In 1956 the Communist Party took a new rightist line, what was in fact a 20th Congress line before the 20th Congress had taken place. The Zengakaren at this time was partic a 1958 the Govetament attempted to ting actively in mass actions against US introduce tough controls over teachers, whose fon was very leftist. The students participutod in their strugale and very good relations were citablished. In 1958 the stoc ents turned to diroot action. One student was killed by the Police in that year. The Communist Party of course resisted this orientation and in 1959/60 Letust militants were expelled from the Party, owing to these contradictions between the burcaucracy and the students.
What were the consequences of these expulsions?
Other organisations began to make their appearance as poles of attraction outside the control of the Communist Party. Trotskyist propuganda started for the first time on any scale after 1958. Before that date the Trotskyist movement had been restricted to a handful of people. Two leftist student organisations were formed-the Communist League and the RevoTutionary Communist League: Theto was a tied called the Intemational Communis: Party But it was very small and based mainly on Tolya it had some 30 to 40 members compared with 400 for the Revolutionary Communist Respoo and 700-800 in.the Communist League. -What were the principal differences between these organisations?
The Communis: League was a left centrist urgi nisation. It tended towards spontancisnt and state capitalism. suppose you could call it the "state-capitaist spontex" li rejected the up proach of Tretsky's Transitional Programm: and lended to reject democrane demandh, particulariy which these were posed by colonial pouples it would prop only mus mum sogans it galled its toshuts by is accity in the stoucut held. If formed the maurity of the leade ship of the Zengakaren and was very detive and mutant, particularly in direes cuntrontations. In 1961 however, it suffered 5 or 6 splits. Its majority became demoralied and sow it's quite small. Two splits united to become the Revolutionary Communist League National Committee, which was an explicitly Stale Cap italist organisation, tending sowards coonomism in practice.
The other organisation which came out of the expulsions from the Corumunist Party wes the Revolutionary Communist League. This was a Trotskyist or tather initially quasi Trotskyist organisation. It had workerist tendencies and was somewhat anti-student. It thought that demonstrations were petit bourgoois and exaggerated the workers struggles and as a result became isolated through these tactics -What developments fook place within the Communist Party itself during this period" It too underwent a process of splittine. Pro-Chinese elements controlled the Party from 1961 to 1965 and the pro-Mascow members were expelled. Consequently a number of ather organisations appeared, The Gnited Socialist Langue which was a left social democralic formation and adopled entrism into the Socialist Party. If tended to be pro-Mascow and was under the influence of the ideas of Toglialli. The Morement for Socialist Renovation which rejected the entrist line and fought for an inde pendent pro-Moscow party, and the Voice of Japan Group, which followed Moscuw prigmatcally. The hard line Stalinists were very weak indeed. The last two eventually united. The Japanese Communist Party itself became pro» Rumanian neutralist in 1965-its response to the Indonesian massacres. It eventually estab lished relations with Moscow but dissented over Czechoslovakia from a right-wing liberal viewpoint. -To what extent did the various groups which formed after the break-up of the old CP work together?
After 1967 there was a very broad radicalisation of students and young workers. In 1967 and 1968 it mainly centred on anti-militarist struggles and Vietnam solidarity activity. La 1966 and 1969 very broad campus struggles took lace and by 1909-70 campuses were occupied Very broad masses joined the 1969 Okinaw:
Front organisations were formed. There was a National Federation of all campus strugdes. which took the place of the Zengakuren which bad frogmented into five Zergekuren of the various tendencies. There were action commitbees in every University, All the leftist groups had one member on the National Chamittee except the Revolutionary Communist Lougue Nationil Comitice (The Kalumans), who by this time were economist and reformist and rather isnlated, although having a widely circe lated newspaper. There was also a United Fron of Yourg Werkers, wich all the Leftist group joined and an Orgaisation For Price in Virtsam, which was a Lett pacifist citizens grosp Is helped organise the desertion of US GEs frot the Airy in Japan, but aiso supported the militant students in the Vietnam solidarity mucinent, These three United Fronts coupe -ted among homsaives and formed their own Vited Front. Radicalisation has taken place instio the public sectors of the crotery and plice between young workoti and students an youse workcis and teactios, Doing Mellost Svar thice Young Works orgamations spon sured a tie meling wilct was artended By 100,000 young workers and studen. I know that it sounds a cliche, but 1 would end by say Ing that unless this spostancity can be linked t a revolutenary organisatinn it will fritter any spontaneism: rejecting the need for an organisod political party to act as a vanguard for the working class; a beef that the workons will in the course of a struggle throw up all the organi setional forts and lactical weapons necemary to make the revolution, in a spontaneous fash I0л. coonomnism: a concentration on the day-to-das econontic demands that the woricing class evolve in the corse of the on guing das strug ple, which do not su beverid tie capitalist sys tom to chellenge capitalist power meatsons and to progressively remove right from the capits ist class to change the balanca of class forces in a way fourable to the worcing class: a strug which does not politicaly polarite the bourge sie asa chess aganst the proleturiat. ie. wilich involves the bourgeois states, for mistance, as is major strug les do in the ago of capitslist decline. enirism: lactic adepted by sarious sections of the revolutionacy left. Instead of maintaining Complelely open and autonenious organisatiol the group sends its members into the large oformist wurking-class party in the hope of deteching sections from it or of captaring the leaderstrip of the parly. transitional programme (ser economism|: writ ten by Trelsky in 1938. A thesis that transitic nal demands should be drawn up for all sectors of the revolutionary's activities. Those demand should act as a bridg to progressively lead the worlong class from reformist to revolutionary politics in action. state capitalism: group of rolated theories, affirming that the Rossan bureaueracy constitu led a chess and that a loosh retclution would be aorded to merthrow thes class, which expoile the worken it a failson similar to capitalism.
balding a revolutionary group. with other groups of widely differing theoreti cal cutlook, nol simply for eno-issue United Fronts, hut as a long-tem organisational porspective.
Fourth International: Internationa: goup with sections in various countries. Founded by Leo Trotsky in 1938 Togliatti: Italian Connist. Formulated doc trine of polycentrism. de. that the World Com monist mosement could simultaneoasly contain within itsolf a number of varying lines, he hy different astional groups at the same linte