Turn s article on the Labour Parly in Red Mole No. 3 was rery welcome. R opened up a discumion on a vital question for volutionaries in a refreshing and concrete syle. Too often this matter is discussed in terms y eter in the bat ite otred fiici tid i ( fetishes and abstract schema. lo contribute to this discur ssion not just as an ndividual but so express the point of view of he International Marxist Group. Of coune, 1 apree with mach of what Robin Blackbum has to say about the role of the Labour Government and his strictures on the attitudes of various efts. Howeres, to save space I will concentrate pon those aspects where we differ. Forthe ake of clarity I will do this in the form of a series of fundamental assumptionă which under pin my views.
1. The Labour Party is neither a purely hou ten spety or ing beurgon polent y bat leadership and social function, but resting upon workets organisations.
Robin Blackbur quoted the excellent speech made by Lenin at the Second Congress of the Third International, However, later on In the sech Lenin explained his view thal th correctly, Iisnot a partt is made up of all the abour Party aVEN DELu r pana OrmOn in the trade unions." 1 point this out not to Prove lything (qu ions like this never do) but to ow that Lenin had a much mone rounded-oi Lenin and the British Lebour Mosement (avallable trom ned boors, 16% Fentonvale Road, London N.1, 25%- - 1:6 p.p.).
Instrument of the Ruling Class Ine can agree with Robin Blackburn chat th abour Party bas been the main Instrument fo Soctalism, the Ideology of labour's leaders rom the tery inception of the Lebour Party IUS DeOn nRO D E nomE parlamentary democracy and by an overwhelming desire to "serve the national interest'"
One cin go furtber than Robin Blackburn: Labour's leaders have always tried to confine the aspirations of the working class so arliamentary means, They have opposer ndustrial action and otber extra parliamentar struggle even for the most modest of reforrus In and out of Goverment their commitment to the "nation's best interests" has led thera to Beurgeoir ideology blowing itr own trumper at the opening of the new TUC headquarters nation could not afford"- The 1945 Labo Government, which alone of Labour regimes carried out many reforms, did very little mote than a Tory administration would have been forced to do. In political and ideological terms Labour's leaders have been faltly "honest" about thic they always argue that it is Tory cupidity that prevents the Conservatives fro urylng out Labour's programm Labour Goretnments have always pursued a forelen and colonial pollcy geared to the Interests of British Imperialism, Lebour's "granting" of political independenoe lo India, Pakistan, ete., was determtbed more by the relationship of forces than by socialist (or even humanitarlan) principles. Where they could. to brutally supress natomal fiberat uned force movemente: Malaya and elsewhere.
Thus there is nothing fundamentally new about the policies of the present Labour Goternment. The only thing which is really different is the greatl ritish capitalism which makes it impossbl renkened state e for it (and a Labour Government) to concede any fundamental refotms.
Labour & the Working Class istrument of the ruling class as any Tot TUTI DEETL Id ail this it is wrong le emocre tie Palty or Party mitth, say thel Democratie Party of the structurally and In social funetion. T Cerins of ideology, a thoroughly bourgeois adership, but, in terms of progrimme, ormal commitment ta socialism which & take uuay D a ame o coraclt memne Lip. Organistionally, in one senso it is virtuaJl Lectie of the compas ed woo ntalatioes of Irade unioas at sarlous lerels. Robin Blackburn is quite wrong lo say that this bolls down to a Do The fire uncessnus set thac most workers make ce workere ls to join a trade union. Por a vast majority of organised wörkers chis also meaus joining the Labour Party, Although the nnks belween the trade unions and the ! Party have become eroded and are nol, at this stage, a vital living process, they cerlainly still exist in a form which directly involves thousands of the most politieaily active AHEKSE Multi-Million Stranded Relationship On any night of the week there will be, in Britain, hundreds of small meetings of the basle units of the working class movement-trade union braacbes, Labour Parly wards, co-op poups, etc. In tost of them meetings "politics" will take the fotm of the defining thede atcitude and relationship to th Labour Parly. When the people who attend these meetings, i.e, those who inake up the bulk of the active members of workers' organisations in this country, discusa local, national and International affairs, they do it largely in the Corm of making demands of or suggestions te the Labour Part ( certaio periods chis process bas bee *fremely rich in political debate, Just now it at an extremely low level but the whole (e temns of tbe Labour Party: Tte polctepo millions of workers think of politics be Wilson Labour Gavernment, especlally it attacks on the trade unions, have pluced a tree led hostaid ot on titant to laye pand Labour Parly (or cease to be active). Howerer there has been no sigulficant sesering of these links. True, there have boen a fenr local and one natiobal disafnliation (the Pottery Worker! Union, which Inter reversed the decision) but Torbeen for the identification eflbe orene tification of the organis -sore small uaidos (the POEU, fo squeezed out by Labour. Theze bas been a So far us 1 koow this phenomenon has o en studied in debth. good indication of the trend is the succescve deellne of Communist Nt Gonea. In caie orlene Pie Se 5 Areas the CP t constituency: the debacles of MucDopald and the 1945 Labnur Gorerntent witbout any really significant decitne in its votes (when Labour wis voted cut of power in 1951, I obtained the highest vote in its bistory). In fact, Iroin a ing-term point of view the voting patlem b een developing to consolidate Labour's gri upon the organised working class.
While ever this relationship belveen the organised working class and che Labour Ports survires and while there is no politics! afternalive there is always the possibility of the presently eroded inks being revitalised especially if Labour is in oppouition with a Tory Goverament carrying out an affencive aguiost the working class).
The Labour "Left" and Clause Pour The formal commitment to socialism and the OHA ECO OCI TE OHS eE aHG ubour Party plays a key zole In maintainin the gap of the party upon the organiser vorking clas The refonnist Labour left accepts by-and-large the essentinl ideology of the leadership, but not having the barden of afee or leudenbip cun posture as being defender of the socialut consclence of the party. The reformist labour left has always acted as cotinter-pressure to the formation of an alternative to the Labour Parly or eren the formalion of a revolutionary carzent witblo it Pointing to Clause Four, these "lefts" bave the Labour Party at all costs and that the democratic (in theory) structure af the parly makes victory withtn It possible. The refotmist leat always anties against thote who wint to fight the leaders" policies thal it is cecessary do this in a circumspect manner because of the danger of expulsion und because the workers do not understaod terolutionary pulicios Al criticul times the reformist lefts stop inte the breach to prevent the mais of the active Labour Party warkers from botoming completely disillusioned with the Labour Party. Harold olaved this role whet the overcly right-wing policies of Gaitskell Itreatened io ciuse a split in Labour's ranks, Howeret, all this is ouly possible because of Labour's nominal adherence o socialistn through Clause Four. This is not do say that the mass of the left wing of the Lubour Party at any given lime are "fale lefts" Elements who place tbemselves ac the head of the left currents undoubtedly ate, but the ajonty represeoc suicere wotkers who t elting to find an expression for their politic aspirations.
To summarise: in its esential and most the Labour Paity ts bourgrot bri siretue, social function, polieles, elc rests upou the organised working class. Th ct, together with the Labour Parcy intacte to he derelop hen ot resa etile It revolutionar organisation and consciousnese in the organised working class the aim of Marxisto, therefore, must be lo remore this obstacle. Boy bisi nentoy erele venes fren thein family, the education system, the cburch, the mass media all combine to gel workers to accepl he values of capilalist society, The averap vorker thinks that it is "ortural" for thete t e owners of industry and wage labourer lowevet, his or ber situation in productio dnily geoerates another consciousdess: that of bim or her being a worker who bas interesta as a porcer which are seperate from and antagonist o those of other sections of society. This lere f consciousnesa is expressed by the rreation ( ade unions, co-op organisations, ete. T crat ion of be Tobo ut Party. he somn ci tirie deltain It has gono a sti Important step forward because it broke the grip of iwo overtly capitalist partien on the minds of the working class
hinka the caka trade bod of getting the working class to accept mly way to fight is theotigh the bourgeois institütions. The capitalis ly nerds wich a device; olhenrise en takes place then sed word atation the a fone Edited from within the novement and another model of soci d. Of course, the crimes e have facilitated this process, but th ple is the same towards this problem. Roughly, there have been three main approaches to the question:
1) to try to destroy th socialist policie c) to try to develop a Markist trend within the abour Party, Shas lying to build organie links with the working class rough the party May orientalece bar ben mered up for nutation combinations of them: the Labour Party still stands as an obstacie. Hone.
that Labour has directly implemented or obtained from other governments were possible of British Imperi the social sabi meland. Now Britain has lost this positic ice the Second World War, the third industr revolution, the post-war reconstraction boom and Kevnesian coonomies made some reforms possible. Bat now a vere different economic situation dominates and the Achilles beel of Keyneslanism, Inflation, is frightening the bourgeoisie as much as the four of the consequences of high unemployment.
In essence, the economic basis of Labourism Is steadily declining Howerer, history shows hat we would be wrong to think that there wil e an automatic end of the dominance o reformist thinking in the working class movement. Only revolutionary organisation can ensure that this more favourable situation is used to break the grip of Labourism on the organised working class Other changes are taking place too: social strata have emerged which are not under the domination of the Labour Party, eg. the black population (overwhelmingly working-class), the youin vanguard and sections of militant white-collar workers. Theie may be soon joleed by another in the not-too distant future: the militant sections of the Irish population (also nainly working class). Whilst at present thes setlons are not organised, they have given a mass base for an extra parlamentary stroggle in Beitain, and the potential is even greater. Three Approaches Il is in the light of these changed circumtanoes that we have to look at the three approaches to dealing with the problem of the bour Party. 15 hor eds in a youral like Red Mole about the use of the slogan Petir do ele ted manten tit would develop because of the contradiction mus let wing, which would have takee over of Lahour's organic links with th id working class, would provide th is for a formation which would briak the opoly of the Labour Parly on the workin us cit must be said that the Marxists holdin this riew were usually quite vague about exactly ow this was to happen).
being in opposition but in practice has evolved to the right at the same spoed as Wilson (taking Mintain its let"reputation). Orbet se reputation). Otber section ave become completely disoriented. As the ection draws near, most of the organisation seeros to have gone into revers gear at its well-known speed. We don't hear much now about those Young Sociales parlamentary candidates since the debucle of Swindon; instead the columns of the Wonters Pres are concentrating upon the danger of a Tory "counter-revolulion" whalever that might mean in Marxist Serms Revolutionary Youth Morement The Fourth International has diseussed this roblem on a Kuropean seale and come to th inclusion that to break the grip of mass soci democrat and Stalinist parties upon the working class, It is vital that the revolati lonary forces ane anisations can be a very effective way of dol he Labour Party upon the organited workin class can be seen in a different way: externally pressure should be put on by the building of a rge revolutionary youta organisation am extra-pamamentary mass action; and internally, a Marcist trend should be built within the tructures of the trade unions. (Should political necesary to intervene). As Robin Blackburn life return to the Labour Party noted, since 1964 there has been a huge current in the trade union morement will be many and good, It is from this point of view that revolutionaries should judge the outcome of the coming General Flection and their Intersention.
3. There will be no essential class diference between a Labour Government and Tory coveramens, ane sinucance oline ciecuor esalt will lie in the way it effects the ability of Marcists to build a revolutionary trend in the inger of the return of a Tory Government This is based langely upon the reformist and ealist concept that political policies a cided by the will politicians. Whichever Problemis and in the pene of ce me ption, which no one takes seriously, will be compelled to attack the working clasa. In fact the policies of the next Government will be growing competition belween capitalist natioo. states because of decline of the post-war boom, nd the failure, so tar, to completely integrate be trade unions in Britain into beo-capitalist b) tbe ment is strong and undefeated and that ils members will not readily allow its leadership to barter away their rights and conditions. The Tories are shrewd politicians and will only go as far as they think advisable. The difference etween a Labour and Tory victory will le i he fact that sucoess for the latter will be. to: certain extent, a vote for anti-trade union egislation. However, Labour, loo, is pledged le trade union reform. Only those who bink thai the Goverament of the day lavally carries out is election pledges wal think that matters go much farther than that. Much more Important in deciding the tactice of the next government will be its judgement of how likely made to light back. The key problem Sigsificance of a Labour Defeat This is the main thing. However, 1 must tak sue with Robin Blackburn's view that defes for Labour would not be a defeat for th working class, not even a marginal one. I do so on two grounds:
in the absence of a socialist alternati fest for Labout (which equals less worke voting Labour and or mote voting Tory) would represent a certain depoliticalisation of the working class;
Just now, the main significance of a vole for Labour by most workers is that it is a vote against the Tories, beld by them to be the dizect representatives of the bosses. Another victory for Labour gives much better opportunity to demonstrate tbat Labour leaders, too, are direct agents of the ruling class The emergence of a young vanguard movgment has been an extremely positive deselop ment. One of the reasons it dereloped wan secause of the existence of the Labour overnment carrying out very right-wib olicies, It has no illusions to shed because i ever had any. Should, howerer, Labour lase he cection, and especiaily if the Foots and th Heffers take over the leadership of the Labour social democracy even amongst the youngTo conclude on this: 1 am in favour of the victory of the Labour Party in the election not democracy. T rejeet the view that this will be an automatie process but must emphasise that the danger of a recewal of illusion in "left" social democracy is a grave danger. It is from this point of view one has to judge what revolationares should do during the election 4. The importance of the General Election campaign is not that workers rote but in the fact that political awareness and interest Increase, especially among young people. Revolutionaries cannot decisively influence the course of the election, but they can use the beightened interest to spread and develop • given above, lam in farour of the victory of Labour in the coming election our main thrust the slogan "Vole Labour"
ould be to put ourselves on the left-wing ;
ose forces mystifying the whole elector prod e This would, In effect, be adding our eight to those processes which enable th abour Party to divert working cluss aspitation It would also hinder our endeavours to spread revolutionary Ideas and our efforts to wart the working class that its main concore should be to prepire for an atlack from whatever gosentiment energes To concentrate upon the slogan "Keep the 'ories Out would be merely another way o saying "Vote Labour"", under presens cireumstanices, Howener, It is imperative, from a Marxist proach. Lenin was advising a tendency whic id the support of thousanda of organise workers, he also advised the British Communists propose an election-pact with the Labo rty--should revolutionaries follow this bit c deice as well? Trotaky addressed himself to the IL.P when it was a parly elaining to be rolationary socialist with thousands embers and considerable resources. He a adrised il to Immediately abandon its united front with the Communis Party and propose one to the Labour Party insteedRaiing the Real Issue sitive thing revolutionaries can do attitude towards the most important struggle taking place in the world today the Indo hinese war. At every important election ral , is vital that the issue of this war is made agression shoulo be the tanget of demonstra.ons, Trade unioniss should demonsrate agains uny altacks on the trade unions from whatever party. To cease to criticise Wilson during the on this matter would be th MacDonuld have always used the argument of the lesser of two exils to persuade workers to cep! their right-wing policies. The capital accept anti-trade union legisiation from Labour because "It would not be so bad as the Tory the Irish should campaiga egojast to upport of both the major partle ensure thas coron the patino o rela esson and the ne The women's liberation masement should o campaign against the timid reforms thi Labour bas introduced. They should demand that all candidates stand against this vile backward-looking election gimmick Everywhere black workers should expose e racialist policies of botb parties and demar candidates repudiate then. bilst Powell w undoubtedly be the target of many actions, no obe should forget that it was Wilson, not Powell, who pushed racialist legislation through Rerolutionaries should support all thew protest aclions. Tbey should take the lead in calling for protest demonstrations and forming ad hoc committees to inject into the election discusaions at all levels-real issues, Propaganda malerial, discusion meelings, ete hould be organised Paradosically, a camprign of this kind will do mote to ensure the return of Labour than pathetie attempts to influence the course of events by chanting ""Vote Labour". Our role should be to raire the levei of consciousness, to repare people for the coming struggles and to ight any ilusion that the election result will soite any problems Certuin critics of the IMG have called this abstentionise. Ignorant of the precise meaning doing. they show that they, Loo, have parlamentary and roformist illusions. The SLL. has accused the IMG of advoeiting the theor of "socia) fascism" coming from them, chat's rich. One could sarcely find a mote "thire period, organisation. This is no arcident: the SL.L is'a lineu descendent of a tendency which originated in the Communist Party whilst thind roup, the Workers Internationa denounced by the founding conference of the Fourth International for its sectarianism and tactionalism.
My last critician of Robin Blackburn is that be seerus to think that we can ignore the Labour Party, or merely propagandise against it. History the working class, ander revolutionary leadership, eun destroy the Frankensiein's monster it created. This article is a contribution to the discussion the left is having as to just how we sel about doing that.
Pat Jordan ause Four: included in the Labour Pari obstitution of Februare 1916 It formal! commits the Labour Party "to secure for the workers by band or by brait the full fruits of their industry and th : most ogultable ners of production [antended in 1929 to:
the means of production, distribution ar Industry and service.
Ксулевіло есолофіся: system of econom propouaded by John Maynard Keynes, th essence of which comlsted in a theory that in Government intervention et of fron ser work with ofber lete or Not aos work with otber left or soc emocrstle forces, even to colnbar fascism, an rent even to the length of setting up "heg trade unions all this under the impect of without the CP combatting it through a united front with sorial demoenicy.
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COL DISHES
bar by propaganda and by bulding a fin b) to try to capture the Laboit Party for
tes The bulding of relatior кону зони
working class movement. A lot of nonsense is now being talked about the
determined by the vector of two pressures: estive back wardness of British From th