dependent on the U.S., politically, economically and militarily. The Israeli government attempts to play on the oppositions between the "hawks" and "doves" in the U.S.
government with regards to the acceptance of a plan of this sort. It hopes to reject any pressure and to bötch any "solution" for as long as possible-that is, to decline it until after the American elections and then continue to maintain the status quo.
Basically on the question of Zionism there are no divergences between the Israeli political parties. Both the GAHAL and the Labour Party, the MAPAl, see as their aim a great Israii nation, and cannot envisage any old reconciliation which might oblige them to renounce their Zionist objectives.
Another factor in the internal struggle in Israel between the right wing and the Labour Party (MAPAl) is the question One of the concomitants of the theory of State Capitalism is the denial of any transition period between capitalism and socialism. Consequently the only prospect for a socialist revolution anywhere is simultaneous international revolution. An objective contradiction bas, then, always existed between the purely British phenomenon of the I.S. current and the vital necessity of an Interational party, It is because of this burning need for (any) international connections that I.S. (together with Lutte Ouvriere and I.8 (U.S.]) sponsored an international conference in Septem- groups) and exhibits a mechanistic view of ber 1970, the proceedings of which have recently Marxism. Consequently even a fight for the been published.* It can only be I.S.'s desperation which would give them the gail to publish this record which reveals such a wide divergence of views that not one participant holds to the theoretical views of any other on any single question: they couldn't even find individuals from various countries to agree with them (or anybody else). All this is excused because "It was particularly valuable to exchange views and experiences of groups attempting to bulld revolutionary organisations in different circumstances and different countries" (p. 1). Of course everyone is in favour of differences and debate, but unless this leads to action it is totally useless and reveals a petit bourgeois conception of polities (ct.
Women's Lib. groups), as Lenin pointed out time and again.
This divergence is not surprising, however, since the lynchpin of IS. 's theory is State Capitalism, the reverberations of which affect all aspects of their theory and practice. None of the participants accepted the State Cap. thesis as applled to the Soviet Union. But this is not to deny the imaginatiseness of the other groups. Indeed all permutations and combinations were advanced. Lutte Ouvriere supports the view of Russa as degeneruled workers' state, whilst the rest of Bastern Europe is characterised as Stace Capitalist. I.S. (U.S.) holds the SchachtmannBurnham view that the bureaucracy in the Soviet Union (as ebsewhere in Eastern Europe) is a class of a new type. Avanguardia Operiai submitted that it was Stalinist theory (sic) which delivered the death blow to proletarian power in Russia; China had an authentically proletarian party. An individual from the U.S. interjected that all these views were advanced to emphasise their anti-Stalinism, which marked a capitulation to their essentially student audience to which, in reality, they were all oriented. And finally, a spokesman for the Labour Committee (U.S.) questioned the usefulness of a debate about abstract Issues (so much for the exchange of views!) but for his parc was a degeneratedworkers-state man.
One could, of course, document the differences on all positions but it would be far too tedious and anyway would probubly stretch this review to the length of the original. What is important is to understand this reality as a consequence of their international isolation.
Internationalism is not a moral postulate. It stems from the de facto internationalism of capitalism. Capitalism is not, bowever, a homo geneous undifferentiated whole but develops in an uneven and combined manner on both a national and international scale. Consequently, workers' struggles and consciousness also manifest this unevenness. It is for this basic reason that a democratie centralist party is demanded resist U.S. pressure by playing on the right and antieconomic and military budget. directing function for these isolated struggles. And this is where International practice is of the essence. It is the lessons gained in applying postulates in struggle, their generalisation and acquisition which is vital. This misunderstanding of the political dimension is the basic mistake which these groups fall into. For an implantation in the working class does noc, of itself, lead to proletarian polities such a conception, in fact, leads to workerism and ultimately syndicalism (a fair characterisation already of many of these historic political gains of the working class would be justified and even if carried on by only one or two individuals. But, in fact, the Fourth International (United Secretariat) as it exists today can do far more than defend these gains; Is, in several of its sections, able to lead struggles and pose as the revolutionary alternative to Stalinism. This reality explains the final irony of the conference: two of the (six participating groups (as opposed lo observers) admitted. albeit rather sheepishly, to be negotiating with the United Secretariat of the Fourth International. J. R. Clynes "International Bulletin of Reuolutionary SocioHats (June 1971).
POLICE HUMOUR In quiet suburbon Egbam (Surrey), the locci police, opparentfy not satisfied with merely joining in the current appeni for money for the Chunkos, hatchelmen of British Impertalism, ure appealing insteed for prisonen cho, they imply, will be treated by the Ghurias in the way that they treated oll their victims: by bumping them off. They hate attached an appeal poster to the in-tray of one of the offices in their potice station. where two of sour Mole reporters happened to be being interrogated, and the tieniously stuch on their own accretions. so that it reads da folions:
4 Churia police appeat:
A debt of honour "Johanie" Ghurho needs YOUR help. There is great hardship amongst the police Ghurias Every prisoner donated goes direct to their melfare communist elements within imperialism? This is certainly not a new factor. Right from the beginning the framework of development of the Zionist enterprise has been to present the Arab world and the Palestinian masses with a fait accompli, wherever possible with the temporary support of the imperialist powers. As you see, today they stand for a policy for "independent Israel". They hope to botch any partial solution until after the 72 alections in the U.S. Who knows, there might be a new President? But at the present moment, there is no possibility of the Israeli government national basis. acting independently for even 24 hours without the support of American imperialism, especially when one considers its This is why anti-Zionist Matzpen, in spite of its numerical weakness, is the only ideological alterative to this setup. We are in the position to offer our anti-Zionist view. point to the masses precisely because Zionism itself is a failure-it has not resolved the jewish question, it has not created a democratic State, it has not united the Jewish communities of Diaspora, and it has not even been able te guarantee the physical existence for the Jews. At present probably the most dangerous place anywhere in the world for the Jews is within Palestine itself. This is why one is witnessing an intensification of the class struggle in the factories, in the organisations of the radicalised youth, in the Sephard Jewish communities and this is why we believe that the only possible reconciliation between the Jews and the Arabs will be achieved on a revolutionary and inter1. Abuthal: Eastern Jew, Faigin: Russian immigrant Jow, ane of The anti-Histraduth position of Matzpen calls for the setting up of a now trade union.