A serious assessment of the Heath government and what it represents in terms of the development of British ruling class polities is now overdue. For too many on the Left it is enough to repeat periodically that the Tories are trying to solve the problems of British capitalesm at the expense of the working class. This statement is absolutely true, but it would seem to be equivalently true of every bourgeois government and tells us nothing about the special situation of the British ruling class, nor about what differentiales one bourgeois goverment from anther, in particular what differentiates the present Conservative regime from its prodecessors both Labour and Conservative:
To begin with. Thone ane dalfering degrees of poyential success with which bourgeols govemment can sck le place the borden of redustment on the workers Secondly, addition to tempting to exploit its own proletariat oor ntensively, pitalist governments are engaged in a permancot strugele against the ruling classes of every other imper het power and frequentiy seck to sohe their problems at diespense of Neir nwals. Thirdly, the hourgenisie of each eupilblist country % pot homo: genous-vety olien they are quil prepared to pec the weaker members of their own clasie lo the achtit strengthen the position of the class afy whole. Thing is good reason tor suppose that the Heath gongrment hal been explosing these variants more systemathally and ruthlessly tran any Britsh government for decides In bbis artice I with to argue that fis amons to the emeigence of a new course foe fritish capitalism, which, if sncces ally maintained, could decisive change the coordinates of clas strugale. Thes means that it is thorosph ly mistaken to treat me sons ave gores as as juss a capra ust gorcrament like any other whose only special feature is to be found in the personal idiosyncracies of Edward Heath.
HEATH-A SERIOUS BOURGEOIS LEADER There are good grounds for thoroughly despising Heath and the class he represents, but they are not those which arcose Un mistt df the editors ol Prile Ere Unfortunately one can sean the pages of the Left press in vain for any analyse ot the Sea h government whach poes bevond stereoty per plases. On the one hand we can find pedestrian demonstraToms lat Ene Conservative ndinistratico is after ni a Inks with big busimess. On the other we can lind displays of fine indignarioo at particular "Tory" measures, like the abolition df free school milk, worthy of p Lahour franthench spotesman. Hut as for scientific evaluation of the variations of raling class polities in this country, there isa complete blank. Over a year ago an article hy Fred Halliday entitled "Heath: the Hackward Leader" (Blok Dworf, June 12, 1920) did atterpt to analyse fleath as a political phenomend bul il conclusions con no Tonger be accepted. He was there described as a toeble petty boorgoo: "an or any my pendel: 1e it orie est te enabl deal Tory steward, n le docility, he has never outgiown the behavour that macled him ai a marvelous prelect". Understandable though this judgment may have been at the time, it is now quite clear that it greasly understimated Heath's resourcefulnew and toaghness is an exponent of ruling class polities. Equally misleading were those wão erred in the apposite dirocticn fros Fred Flalliday and predicted that a Conservative victory would mean a fundamental mutstion in the rhode of botergeoir domnazion rather than in the basic political formula. The most extreme expression of this school of thought was the idea a Heath government would be Bonapartis in chameter!
Now, morr than a yesr alter the General Election, there is a generalised feeling that something has happened whos only expression on the Left is to be found in traditional Labourist detone about "Tory counter-roratuttor" or hackneyod desunciation of a drift towards die corporate state, Whar is argued in this article is that the innovation insoled isai-tie-devel-of fundamentel polte y annemans, not st that of the political foei of goremment. With Heath the Consenative Party has produced a leader who promiscs to delend difectively and cohorently the interests of a rajor sector of British capiralism and to develop a new political folmula in the proceis. Far from abandonine the framewock of British bourgeois democracy, Heath intends lo use its resources in carving out a new course for British capitalism, Heath intends to fertio the political backwardness of Briash bourgeois politics--its sentimentalism abour backwardeess of the Britsh woeking clies-Its parliamentaran and political caution. This conclusion is suggestod by the posern ment's roorientation in all fields of policy and its handling of such major issocs as the bankruptey of Rolls Royoe, the EEC negotiatsons and the policy for sterling in che financial crisis. Befone discussing this ot will first be cecossary to sketch in the nature of the political formuls which Heath is in the process of modifying. THE OLD POLITICAL FORMULA From the carly 40k up to the General Election of 1970.1 political basis of British capitalisin was, externally an alliance with L.S jesperlalism as jucior partner, intergatiy Lie integral son of the working class via the Labour Party and che trabe unions. Indeed the Labour Party plaved as important a role as thie Conservatives in desing the whole arrangement and was rewarded hy pericule spells in offifar its effotts. The Ango-American alfance and the Introductien of more ambitious suríal policies wergr of curse, already introduced by dhe Churchill analition general outline Scotially it iruen: that the waning for: of British it fratism could be purtly presered. ar least the short-nin. hy a computersive deal with US imperislisor framewark the fiest experiments in furoiog a culonial on pire intra ncr-colanial empire could be icesstul!
ROBIN BLACKBURN effeet (against Mossadeg, gainst the Korean revolution, er.L ALhame Britan's nelative Industrial superiority vis avis war de vastated Europe could temporanty be taed to finance the renowed export of capital abroad and to provide at home more comprehensive social services. Between 1945 and 1964 British capitalists devoted no less than £2,000 million to direct overseas investments- more than the spital export of alt the contincotal European capitalist countries contined. Moreover, political decolonisation did not hean that the real coonomic sinews of Empite were inl ny waf- bandoned. gold in South Afnc, rubber and tn in But ta Balta nseriabm to brong off dis arategy, ih naru the Middle East, were all preserved intact. suppor Taf the borinant imperialat power was absolutely essentiel, drus the Anglo-American "Apedal relationship" became the compersronh ef Britinh fortigs policy. The abour Party di hept justoare in the development of du atlantic, imperialist Dejentatiog but helped to pioneer l and remahied even mort @sthfilko it than the Conservatives. The anly serious departe Gom th Atlantic policy was the ilhasion of Egypt by the Edent overnient the disastrous resuhe of dhis adventure reminded all horhacois politicians that subservience to the US was the boly visble policy for British imperialisn.
Dispute its appabent sacoess in the short tert, the Arantic polic was to exacty beary toll on the resourch of Britsh capital. The attempt to maintain a global role in economi and militarise ins weakbued the homse base of Brilich capitalisen. Both Britain and'be United States assumed Te verhead costs of he world-wide imperialist sustenn iron hich their capitalst Hyah abo benclited. Moreaver, for Seast a decade after the wher, the working class in Britan and the ted than il vae if toe counte titin ad e sparten sedl anu nUr fascisen These two factors threstchng the position of Anglo-American imperialism were bobed to affeci Brulain much more rapidly and adverscly since it was by far the wezker partner. Indeed it was very much in the intrests of thie United Statos to encourage the over exten shur of their Betish allies. Britabt would bear some of the cost bl maintrining internstiona) law and order wichour the thurge or uebes no a pae tra aad oy toe ous Lie commitment to mainrain Sterling ectod as a valuable first oe ar occene tar aeoo-tue prey tr tos was and when successie Brilish governments were forced to deflate the economy and cut social services to protect the pound and tor maintat oserscar expenditure:
THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE FAILURE OF THE WILSON GOVERNMENT o pursue this miserable Jagie to its abjeet conclusion. Wbe Peropriately chouph, it was lett te a Labour governmen the Wilson regime assumed office, the radiocality in the Atlantic/imperialist formuls for Britsh capitalism had cer lamy soeped avuy. Bot lastad ol allemplins to came up with a new political formule, Wilson sought to solve the problem at the parely technie! lovel; now ministres were CeTeE 0 OsEr LeCHOD U-O MHA CAC ConnEMY. complex new tax schencs were introduced-there wes no peritica i complement to the technical nostrums, only enciss Guelc elons moraexeo ano enes The entire Labour leadership, despite theit desperation to assume a technocratie image, were af hottom deeply and aan usenca ly attached not just to Hrsh houtgecs society LM1 020009 08300S BE U030 STIE LT0 formula which they had helped to devise. Hence the fixation on "the Commonwcaltb" and the United Nations. Labour code words Tor respectively Beilish and American imperialism. Hence the long and costly attempt lo forestall devaludtion attempt to repeal the social imperialist pact fus a fiasco comestically just as it was in internationa/affaies. Not a single major economic reform could bp offered to Labou SOUNE UNSE vestions as divoroe alf of whith had the enor thing So far as thre arganiser soricing class was conce auens had hecor verage than the Labour Party. So foe as the ruline cis casing to be an effective instrámient Toe integrating the working class and the masset wuce coatingally reminded bf rising remplo enit arpa afations mall arhy the Minknes o capitalism eitber.
. simultaneously broke with the traditions of gaat for the hallowed institutions of Britain/'s past an M the gondeman's agreement with US capitalisn. T fechnical devie of the bankrupicy and nationalisation forced Lockheed to säare dhe cost of a mistake for which a Britisa (Labour) governmen! had been minly responsble. In itselt this coult have been an isolated deesion. The handline of the EEC negutiations cho med that it was nos. At long last a Batal Fcioe Minste tevor to haye anderstood rhat the sabd that the only possele basis Jor such s deal would have to be aryen w the debut e posture. Une of the thin that make Rikon's memoirs so monumentally trivial is his total inability to grasp the larger political outline of the events ik was caucht up in, one ontee delects ol a vors successtul bourgoois ideology-like thal whish the British uling class has developed is that in the long tun it blind bo bourroie ilsell to its own interests. Atlantic ideolo has taken deep cools in Dritain. Large sectios of the Bricish bourgeoisie feel genuinely gracelul to the Crited States fo aov DIca aHe B bruLa boccalas aRsEmaE and delene st crommtae Communis menace. bomel dersocrats send to feel thir gratitude especially keenly. Ats virulent anti-communism strongly appeals to them sin ce it underculs theer rinisin the babosr movement. AT TRe snm time the United States was seen as titos pitil demen will Eucha tan trialCAe to sce anac us imamusi hea m interest in conserving some of the antiquatod teatures of their British predesesors on whom they coule afflond sombe of the ponst ewoch, wco tee micaac stewart extended fo The US ruling class that deeply felt adciraticn and respect thar used to be reserved exclusively for the inscitutions of TWE BUBE CMO NUSs s cima ines bid desire to conciliate and compromise made han incapeblo of the cear thinking and resnturion needed to treak with the "leaders of the Free World" and forge a cow orientation for Britisb capirslai. Haatlt, on the other hinl, can dras on the grester self-confidence of Britan's major bourgeois Party tast retains some dim memory of the trop when Britain did have a fareign policy offis own. Walle the rise of the Laboar Party was in the epoch of the decline of (ritish imperinlism, che emenpenoo ol the moeri Inservarime Party was in the epoch of ascenclancy of tha impenalism. fr is thot not so surprising to fini Heath We hivg no eternal allies and no perpetual enemies. Ou iterats are cherhal and perpetual and thuse interests it i our dety to hollow Of course, such iNormührion shoukl be merely the ABC of imperialist forcign alicy, hat in mid twentiech century Britain on over-neemm Morion hf nac onal fetishes and traditions, of ideologies and myths, have came to make it The policy of the Houth government during dhe international finan cial crisis rounds out the picture of'a bakic shift io British-Foreign policy-optiont Te the dismayhof the Timer interests of Britsh m above loyalty to the United States. Instesd of revaluing the Pound, steps were taken to KOD IE AT ariad En cn ri Cac lowenne cH nonk Carc discouraged it from floating opwards. Insofor as policy was condinated with other espitelst powers it was with the Europeana, cot the Americans.
As a repent report in The Times Business ewe put it: *There is a strong suspicion in Acerican minde thal, as the rice of Britishentry into The Comon Marker. Mr. Heath promised M. Pompidou Britich support for French antiAuberican monetary policies and that pressure from Downing DILE ZO Le PaE LuLe Is MPentnE The BrTsa American súspicions may be madsed from the official leak" reported in the following laconie terms in The Wail Streer fournal for Sept, 24rh. "A montor homtshell: whispered reparts that Heitain tripaczed the Auenst crisik by askine that S3 hillian of its dollar reserves be shielded ugains: scea aud of trich in tl neda tor viker t thet evaluaties-by +# e e nate efer ig me Witon dyne o adun or ln Nixon's bour of need with a "dramatie" offeg of support. Equally Heath'r Europens orientation was obious cnoug! as an alternative fo the Atlantic formula. His achievement, w hoch was lo see that it pould corld only be carried througl ry means of a proper political deal, was only povel in th Esmally mediocre context of Baitist bourgeos politics. An examieation of Heitish policy in the Midile East and Åfict ulsa shows un aoruo introse in its effectiwne and realism, though in tis area without thie nearsity for any confier with the United States, At long lasr the inahility The British ruling class to understand that bourgeois Arah nAST SOLR LA n Ta He nec ornATa nterests has been overcome. The wiping out of the Palesti ian guerrilla moverent iG Jordan, the rightward shift in Syria and the brutal suppoession of the Letti the Sudan bawe ali reveived the appropriate Brilish encouragement. In cach cae the growing diplomatic understanding with the Egyptians and the Liyans played a tole • the ai-Jacking of the plane carrying the Sudanese lesc irs (assated by Hritish intelligence) was anly che most spece collasion. Elsewhere in Africa, Heath has estilated rhat pien che batue oi tee existe blae regimes, rotting is 1* he lost hy claser ties warh South Afren and sideal with Smith.
Wberes De Gaulle sought to aut an: 1S anpecialism on mpe alist leadership in the '50s the Britiss aesiost the fatterige and bungling of C5 imperialem derig che "60s The Heitisd ruling class exsdently chick thot the U5 dmatstration b overstous to make deals With tb
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asuod extraondinarily hardheded ahd realist le THE TUBN IN FOREIGH AFFAS...
the "lett" we should expect Heath to do so on the "right" The French were reacting gainst the inflexibility af ES