IMGpapers

Newspapers of the International Marxist Group and its forerunners, 1968–1988

THE ANTI-BLACKS CHARTER: an appraisal

The Red Mole Vol. 2, No. 7, 22 April 1971 · pp. 5-6 of the scan · 2,504 words

The scan: v02n07-apr-22-1971.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

Uncorrected machine reading. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from a scan of a newspaper page, and the page was cut into articles by machine, at the headlines found by their type size. Nothing has been corrected: expect misread words, text from a neighbouring article, and titles that are the machine reading of the headline, some of them only fragments. Quote from the scan, not from this page.
How this article was cut and titled: headline found by type size in the OCR geometry (split_tabloid.py); 1-4 of 4; machine-segmented newspaper page; uncorrected Vision OCR.

page 5 of the scan

Comment around the latest Immigration Bill is concentrated on the detail of Its provisions and attacking the new codified definition of wbat is a wog. Little attempt has been made to set the Bill in the overall scheme of a developing racism as the capitalists adjust to changing national and internationul economic pressures But the fact is that British capitalism has progrummed its rucism most care fully, and has introduced Ils repressive measures at precise three-yearly intervals over the last decade with a clockwork regularity, irrespective of changes of government, Interspersed with the Immigration Bills have been other repressive measures, such as the "White" paper, Race Relations Aet and the formation of government agencies for attempting to control black dissent and diverting uberal outrage. Indeed, Labour's nationalisaton of the entire Race Relations Endustry (not a commanding height of the economy; enabled Wilson to posture for a while as a friend of the blacks and provided i cover for his repressive measures in the same way as Powell's mouthings enable Heath to avold extremes of eriticism.

Immigration and Capitalism We must secept that whilst racism to an extent establishes its own dynamic, thete are basic economie reasons for this situation. A certain bedrock level of Immigration has always been of benefit to the cupilalises because of its antiInflationary effect. But in periods of economic stagnation and high unemployment, such as we have now, immigration is no longer necessary to capitalism. Those sceptical about the likelihood of compulsory repetriation being introduced in the future should note that the number of white workers unemployed is now greater than the number of black workers employed. An increase In unemployment beyond the present level of three-quarters of a million, or indeed a stabilisetion at this figure for a long perlod, will Inevitably fuel demands for deportation. It was necessary to allow the black population to develop to its present size before a "black problem" became suffielently vlable as a means by which the working class could be divided, and it is possibly for chis reason that the black population has boen allowed to grow beyond the immigration having been halted by Labour, level of actual economic need.

But the existence of large numbers of discontented and potentially militant black people in Britaio has also become a threal to capitalism. Therefore they must be cowed by threats of expulsion and, faiting that, expelled.

In this way the British experience has paralleled chat of deweloped Europe generally which has sucked in labour from its underdeveloped fringes and In some cases Is taking steps now to revense this process Germany, for instance, is about to expel 40,000 Turks, euphemistically referred to us "guest" workers.

From Gaitskell to Wilson During the ten years in which this process has been taking place the whole area of publie liberal debate on the race issue has travelled Inexorably rightward in step with cach next piece of legislation. It is a far ery from 1962 when the otherwise right-wing Hugh Gaitskell mounted a Parliamentary bue and cry over the Tories" first Immigration Bill and insisted on more ringings of the division bell than Harold Wilson has mustered for the Industrial Relations Bill. But since, there can be no doubt that Labour's ever-alert response to the economle dietates of British capitalise has done more to foster racism than has been done by the Tories It is in this field more than any other that the final demise of the Labour Party as a Iberal of the sixties was given over to the abandonment ofsocialist posturing, tben the second half was used to throw off unseemly liberal hang-ups and lo establish Labour us a right-wing party.

It would, however, be mechanistie to see the Bill and its predecessors only in temsofa response to the economie needs of the capitalists and in terms of a useful weapon with which to set worker against worker. The injection of racist impulses into the political body sets up processes which have their own momentum, taking actual circumstances us their base but travelling beyond the limits of any precise need. We should remember that the Tories are ractsts, It is part of their life style and training. a cultural and ideological fix, and we can therefore expect them to take measures which are not justified in their entirety by reality.

Immigration Bill?

For Ahis reason, the present Bill needs some speeinl explanation beyond that given above, For a start, the Bill is a misnomer. The truth is that Chere is no significant immigration taking place at the present time, and the Bill is not justified in terms of curbing the number of blacks coming here. It is not an Immigration Bill In every year since 1966 the number of permits issued to immigrants from the so-called "new Com wealth" has been less than 5,000, of which approximately half are estimated to come Into the doctor dentist calegory, Last year only 2,000 black workers came here. So, at the present rate, the number of black workers would only increase by around 20,000 in ten years. Of coune there is immigration of dependants (mainly in respect of previous immigrants who came when there were less tough restrictions; this figure reduces annually and will soon tail off in direct relationship with current and any future Immigrants). Current alienwhite-immigration is running at around ten times the figure for blacks. After allowing for some dependants later joining the work force, it is clear tbat in future years there will be no significant increase In the number of black workers beyond nabural inerease. So we are forced back to the conclusion that, effective there is no real withmetical need for this Bill This is not to play the numbers game of the liberals, but a fort to remember before one can get bebind this Bill to examine the real reasons for its introduction, which clearly have little to do with its ostensible purpose of cutting immigration. At this point we can underline this by saying that the Bill extends the right to come here free of work permit or voucher to a greater number not only of whites, but also of blacks. than have thisright at the moment. It is estimated that there are for instance around 1,000,000 Anglo-Indians who will now be classed inadvertently as patelals and will have the same entry status as Canadian or Australian patrials). As the Bill is certsinly not about Immigration control, we must look elsewbere for its purposes.

What is the Bill really about?

Firstly, the Torles wish to codily and consolidate Labour gains in this field and establish with Indended that Sociat Security should continue the electorate an equal record in black basbing. Secondly, they have an ideological and spiritual need as a party to satisty their own internal urges raising the demand that the Bill sbould be and racist lust, particularly in terms of Heath's leadership manoeuvses with regard to Powell. Thirdly, the Tories have a message that they wish to communicate loud and clear to black workers in this country-that they should keep out of industrial milituney; thus the Bill should Industrial Relations Bill. Fourthly, the passing, deter blacks from applying for work permits.

of this measure makes it possible for them (or One ocher additional factor in Tory culculations guaranteed right to stay for more than one is pressure from Common Market capitalists With their own adequate supples of cheap labour from European semi-colonies, they hate not been answered. In any cuse, the large Europe via Doser. Indeed, the Tories are lying Bill is intended to remote the distinction between aliens and Commonwealth citizens.

Far from reducing black immigration to the level of that of allens, it will reduce it below that levet if entry to the Common Market takes place. Under the Treaty of Rome there une provisions, irrespective of nationality, for Eurofor jobs in different countries (thus averaging don European wage rates). If Britain were bo ratify this aspect of the Treaty, it would mean kbat European workers would have a superior preference over New Commonwealth-nonpatrial-aliens (blacks for short), as far as work permits are concerned. Revolutionaries should not find the in the position of com tion of the racist nature of the legisla the way in which the Common Market capitaLists are exerting pressure on the British prior to already bere. entry:

Whereas the provisions of the Bill will not affect large numbers of future Immigrants, it is Important to consider the flip side of these measures. Every measure against a future immigrant will affect the working conditions and racial climate, not to mention the nature of police repression, under which black workers here at the moment will live, This is another Tory con, because we see the Bill's unwritten consequences will bear down principally on existing black workers. And there is the constant knowledge of the likelihood of the Bill's protisions being actually extended to cover all black workers, irrespective of when they came here. But here again there is a difficulty because the main provisions of the Bill do not appear in as suspected Illegal Immigrants will be in their the Bill. The government has taken powers to slacken the Bill (it mose workers are needed! by adjuscing the regulations with regard to work permits being granted. It has also taken powers to repatriate. Repatriation decisions can be made by Government flat according to regula. tions to be made "from time to time". This means in effect that repatriation is outside the scope of Parliament. Of course we should have no illusions that Parliament would not back any have been bere for some years bat have the Tory or Labour repatriation proposals The purpose of making this an administrative ratber than legislative matter is to prevent the development of black protest, by making Gosernment wishes immediately effective. We should not overlook the fact that a form of compulsory/voluntary repatriation already exists, both for those who break the law and for those who fall foul of the Social Security goons who by withdrawing benefit can coerce black workers into being repatriated. It is to have this function and be armed with new powets as yet unspectfled. Liberals who are amended to transfer the registration procedures from the pigs to the SS are here falling into a trap. A situation could develop whete unemployed blacks would not claim their unemployment pay for fear of being processed out of the country. The high cost of a passage from India or Labour| to puss the next measure in chis series Jamalea is not a sensible proposition without a year. Questions as to what happens when a boss goes bunkrupt and this year is shortened have no wish to soe blacks entering the back door of numbers of unemployed make it almost certain that the government will not be issuing many through their ceeth when they contend that the work permits; these are conditional on there not being suitable alternative local labour available. At the moment the only categories where work permits might be granted are for au pair girls and doctors and dencists. In some categoriesdomestic servants, for instance there is no right to bring dependants at all, and in all other cases this right is conditional on an immigrant showing pean workers to have equal "rights" so compete he is able to support his dependants and provide sultable acoommodation before they will be allowed here. We may see a situation where a black postman is denled the right to bring hit wife and six kids because his wa to keep them, It is highly u how this ability an so lone betto type Wing to be tage or a + waiting Bits Which are often in any ca Ender the new act the ability to arrest at will a whole social group, including young blacks, will be extended to all black people. Powers of arrest will exist If any thick fuzz * with reasonable cause suspects that a person may have committed or attempted to commit an offence." under the new laws So, if you're black you could be an illegal immigrant. As it is an offence to assist anyone to brenk the laws, you could be arrested it a black guy with or without your knowledge overstays his permit and sleeps under your roof for a few nights. It will be dangerous for black people to vialt the seaside, as this is where Illegal immigrants lund. Racists making maticious culls to the police to identify their neighbours element, and the police will be only to happy to take up such "information". It is bere that the passes come in. To avoid spending a few days in the nick whilst enquiries are made at the Home Office to prove that you are not oversaying a permit, it will be very wise to carry papers proving that your work pass has not expired or that you came here some years ago before the restrictions. It is those blacks who most difficult problem for they have to prove a negative in order to go free. They have to prove that chey are not illegal Immigrants and that they have a right not to prove they have a job with boss X in town Y. Virtually the only documentation that will satlify is a passport, bearing a date of entry.

All these provisions in the Bill point to an urgent necessity: it is vital for all revolutionary groups to organise together with black organisadions and thwart the operation of the low, Unit United fronts like the Black Defence Committee have a crucial role to play in a situation where raciem could increase very rapkily, We would therefore urge all revolutionary groups and individuals to help increase the weight of this committee and make it a strong anti-racist force [The Black Defence Committee, 101 Park Avenue North, London N.W.10) -Rer Mole Renorters

page 6 of the scan

was abandoned. Those who had once openly proclaimed "Daly those of British or kindred Aryan blood should be members of the Nation .. - citizenship should be denied to all those of alien race, including the large coloured and influential Jewish communities... For the protection of British blood, racial laws will forbid marriage between Britains and nonAryans. Medical measures will be taken to prevent procreation"? now fill silent, respect filly, before the commanding voice of their new "Policy Director", A. K. Chesterton. He advised them, There is definitely more strength in a disciplined movement than in wild talk and National Frour signalled the rebirth of the extreme Right, Its initial demonstrations and interventices forced ie, in time, to the matice of the socialist press?

It was the National Front paper Spearhead that commented. "Now, with the steadily worsening national situation, and the resulting disillusionment with the old political remedies, this unification of forces has come at exacely the right time. The Right looks like at last having an organisation large enough and strong enough to have a chance of breaking the -.. We line up

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