A frenzied onrush of small-scale rallies and marches by the extreme Right, in humerous localities, condemned the arrival from Kampala of the first refugee Asian famities. The resurrection of black immigration as a focus for the agitation of the fascist groups in Britain on unemployment and the housing shortage, permits these elements to retur to their familiar, traditional postures. The National Front's "Stop Immigration -Enoch is right" posters, now brandished with renewed vigour, are yellowing with age. Recent developments, however, have propelled the extreme Right into other, unexplored avenues of activity. An outline of the current state of the principal fascist organisations shows only too clearly the implicit dangers these have for the working class.
THE VACANT ARENA The earnest preparations of major sections of the ruling class for entry into the B.E.C. indicate the strong possibility of a gathering ideological offensive, over the coming months, to promote the new "European" spirit. From the standpoint of the fascist groups, this nearly vacates the general arena of British nationalism, until they enter as its new standard-bearers. Very wide layers of the population, long imbued with the chauvinism formerly peddled by the ruling class and likely to suffer early disenchantment with the economic consequences of E.E.C. entry, are thus transformed into potential markets for fascist campaign propaganda on nationalistic themes.
Simitarly, in relation to the Irish question, REYS GEE the attempts of British imperialism to stabilise the situation, rather than unreservedly favour the Unionist camp, have exposed existing areas of chauvinistic opinion (both in Britain and Northern Ireland) to fascist agitation. If the anti-European, anti-Irish fanaticism of the extreme Right currently remains unattractive to the ruling class, given its own present strategy, this situation could alter in certain circumstances. The militancy of the British working class constitutes the key obstacle to the objectives sought by British capitalism. If the nationalism of the far Right were to demonstrably penetrate the working class movement, or externally influence its direction, diverting that militahcy into less anti-capitalist channels then certain capitalist circles would rapidly pay attention. Examining each rightist group in turn, we detect greater emphasis on activities related to the working class movement, in two important cases.
NATIONAL FRONT The emergence of this new formation in 1967 represented the first serious response of sections of the extreme Right to the economic problems of British capitalism in its contemporary, post-imperial situation, and has been detailed in this paper (1). The N.F. advocated a resuscitation of Victorian values and bitterly opposed the E.E.C., but in late 1970 - corresponding to the new Heath offensive of the ruling class - deposed its leader (A. K. Chesterton, sworn to erect a "Fabianism of the Right") and adopted confrontation tactics against the Left as a major preoccupation. In March, 1971, the N.F.invaded a Communist Party meeting NTE This crude strategy has now been partially refined. A recent leaflet on Ireland, for example, begins "To British Workers from the National Front Trade Union Group. Fellow British Workers, have you a son or brother in the Army in Northern Ireland...?" and ends "Send resolutions declaring solidarity with British soldiers in Ulster.... to your Union Executive. Black Irish Goods!" (emphasis added). While other items of N.F. literature still avoid any class content, an identifiable trend is occurring towards: (a) less sectarianism vis-a-vis other fascist groups, illustrated by N.F. assistance for the recent Smithfield marches despite political differences with their organisers; and (b) more "trade union work", for example in some Post Office establishments. "TRU - AIM"
The "Trade Union Anti-Immigration Movement" constitutes an attempted rival structure to existing unions, but under a "trade union" guise. Its main organisers (S. Cripps, R, Taylor, W. Whitbread - all veterans of the extreme Right) are individual members of the T&GWU, and the group developed from an anti-immigration resolution pushed through the 1/764 Branch of that union in 1970. External to the official trade unions, the Southall-based "TRU-AIM" promises redundant workers aid in securing re-employment, deliberately linking this issue to anti-E.E.C. and anti-immigration themes. Its seeming potential in exploiting working class discontents at first attracted the support of members of the N.F., Union Movement, Immigrant Control Association, VIERNAGUNAL SOCIA FLAM BRAN build support for a racist campaign on unemployment: A "TRU-AIM" speaker appeared on the fringes of the T.U.C. march against unemployment in November, 1971, and it planned its own demonstration for March 18 this year in Oldham, through a front "British Workers" Committee Against Unemployment". This move foundered in the teeth of united local opposition from unions and the Left, and the group's future is consequently in doubt. However, its significance is clear - the first "trade union" front for the extreme Right in a period of working class militancy. "UNION MOVEMENT"
Essentially the residual base of Oswald Mosley's supporters in the U.K., the tiny "Union Movement" runs against the tide of leader's support for "Europe a Nation". majority rightist opinion in backing its Mosley envisages a role for British capitalism in leading a capitalist Europe. (2) This group is declining and would command no interest here were it not for its unique foothold in Smithfield market, organised by Danny Harmston, responsible for the recent marches. We should not forget, however, that Mosley's much larger "British Union of Fascists" in the '30's urged all its members to join their appropriate unions and agitate within them for compulsory 100 percent trade union membership, provided the unions were integrated with employers into fascist "corporations" for each industry. (3). COMPLACENCY Given a heightened interest in trade union affairs by the N.F. and others on the far Right, the reaction of sections of the Left is inadequate. The Morning Star of 25 August, reporting the first Smithfield march against the Ugandan refugees, adopted a distinct tone of humour and complacency. Socialist Worker of 2 September proclaimed that T.U. militancy is "the best antidote for the poison of racism", in its own right. consideration of the current trends on the extreme Right of British politics, however, points to dangers that neither complacency nor wage militancy will dispel in the longterm.
NOTES 1. "The Face of British Fascism", in The Red Mole, Vol. 2, No. 7 (8 - 22 April, 1971). 2. Expressed, for example, in National European, 1966, and many repetitive articles. 3. Strike Action or Power Action? a pamphlet by W. Risdon, published by the B.U.F. in 1937.
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MARIST CANE Anri-fascist demo ourside Monday Club meering at Central Hall, Westminster, on 16 September