rs later Will Portugal become another Chile? That is a question that is being increasingly asked as the right-wing offensive gains momentum inside Portugal. But how valid is the comparison?
It is possible to say at once that the Chilean form of coup is completely unlikely in Portugal at present. The distinctive feature of the Chilean coup was that despite the three years of mobilisation by the working class that preceded it, the coup was totally successful in less than three days. What resistance there was, was only spasmodic and disorganised. The main reason for this was that the parties of Popular Unity had consistently peddled the illusion that the workers of Chile could place all their faith in Parliament and the armed forces.
In Portugal, on the other hand, the CP and the reformist organisations have not been so successful in this manoeuvre. Indeed, it has now become an important part of the consciousness of large sections of the working class that the gains they have made can only be defended by the working class - gun in hand if necessary. Furthermore, the armed forces are at the moment too deeply divided to be able to carry out a Chile type coup. In addition the Portuguese bourgeoisie, still smarting from their experience in March, are not united and convinced that the next step should be a coup - and they certainly do not have the ability to initiate one.
But if a Chilean style coup is not likely in Portugal, there are still important similarities that can be drawn between both the offensive of the capitalists and the response of the workers movement in Chile and Portugal. In this respect an understanding of the real lessons of the Chilean experience is vital to the success of the Portuguese revolution.
The most obvious similarity can be seen in the imperialist intervention that was directed at Chile and is now focusing with full force on Portugal. Chile was prevented from receiving virtually any economic aid throughout the whole of the Popular Unity period (1970-73), a blockade was imposed on spare parts for machinery, money was poured hu tha into tho nurce of the Cumcion lamonte and • What can be done today in solidarity with the Chilean workers and peasants?
The first thing is for the trade unions in this country to ensure that everything possible is done to make sure Chilean goods and Chilean materials coming into this country are not nandied. And i Inink une same sort of thing must apply to anything going to Chile. While the junta is there, I think the trade union movement must continue to act as they have done, and in certain cases much more strongly than they have done in the past, by blacking and refusing to nance chilean gooos The second point is that the Labour Government must make it absolutely clear that we are not going to give any aid of any kind to the Chilean junta. This means, of course, that as far as loans are concerned, inere snould be no loans - and certainy no giviro them more time to pay back loans they've. already had. There must also be no question of any further military material of any kind going to Chile.
The point about Chile as far as l am concerned is that here was a Government democratically ruling, trying to bring about socialism through peaceful means, and its leaders and their supporters in the rank-and-file were murdered, cut down by fascist elements. tough in every direction. I think that the row kicked up by myself and others in the Labour Party when I was a Minister has had some effect. The Labour Government has been more positive in this direction than they would otherwise have been. But we've got to keep the fight up.
1 also think that as a trade union and Labour movement we've got to do what we've already been doing - but on a bigger scale - in giving support and solidarity to those Chilean and anti-junta forces who have had to flee for their lives, giving them protection ane support in Inis country.
• What lessons do you think we can draw from the coup in Chile, particularly given current developments in Portugal?
I don't think that the situation in Portugal today is by any means absolutely identical to that which existed in Chile, where there was a Government whien nad ine support or air me er wing. an elected Government which was overthrown by military fascist forces with the connivance and support of the CIA In that sense there is a different situation in Portugal, because what had been a fascist dictatorship was overthrown by the military itself, which has contradictory forces within it.
I don't believe in military dictatorships of the right or the left. I believe we need to see the ending of the military dictatorship in Portugal at the earliest possible moment. But the picture there isn t the could take hold. ade of Portugal.
country. enough work'. Eric Heffer was the first Minister to break the pro-capitalist solidarity of the present Labour Government when he publicly denounced its decision to furnish warships to Chile in April 1974; more recently, he was sacked from his post when he open ly defied the Wilson leadership again over the Common Market campaign. For this reason we are pleased to print the follow ing interview with him on the tasks of solidarity and the lessons of Chile today It goes without saying, of course, that we by no means endorse every thing said by Brother Heffer. Our own views on such questions are spelt out elsewhere on these pages - particularly on the need for independent organs of workers' power which alone could have blocked the capitalist offensive which reliance on the parliamentary road was so tragically unable to hold at bay in Chile. Nevertheless, we feel it is important that the pages of Red Weekly should be open to such an exchange of views, in order both to establish the ground that exists for common action and to clarify the nature of our differences on the fundamental questions of the transition to socialism.
For Tascist muntary dictatorsne democratic processes even further.
Because of that we've got to be absolutely picture being drawn by the British capitalist press, who are trying to suggest that the danger of military dictatorship is only from the left. I think that there is a very real danger of a restitution of some kind The other thing is that we must make certain that there is no outside intervention. The situation is not quite as simple as some people think. I remember the experiences of the Spanish Civil War - we all supported the Spanish Government and the Spanish Republican forces, but we have to remember that the role of the Communist Party in Spain was not one which we would want to see repeated, because they were instrumental in many respects'in helping the destruction of the democratic forces in Spain. But I would say that we have a duty and a responsibility in the labour movement to support all those forces in Portugal who wish to push forward the I think the most important lesson we have to learn from Chile is that whilst we should try to use the democratic macniner in order to onine dooul a socialist society, the forces of reaction may not let you do it in that way even if you get a democratic majority and you get the parliamentary machinery used in your direction.
This is the danger. I could see us with a very left-wing government in this country - not immedHatev Decause we are norm me maonly but did certain stage - reaily determined to carry outt programme through the parliamentary procedures and beginning to carry out that programme, and the forces of reaction just refusing to allow us to do it, by taking up arms themselves and trying to bring about its destruction.
We have to understand that reaction, the Establish ment, capitalism, are not ever going to allow us to transform society in a socialist direction just because we do it inrouan une democrare process On the contrary, they are going to fight most strongly against it, and that's the major lesson we have to learn from Chile today.
Chile was in a sense like Britain is today. It had only once in its 200 years as a nation had any sort of violence and a movement away from the parliamentary system. But when the parliamentary system is goine to be used in a positive socialist direction, then we need to see what happened, and that's the biggest lesson we have to learn.