At the beginning of January six members of the International Marxist Group, supporters of the ist League. As Socialist Press, the paper of the WSL, printed the letter of resignation in full and without comment, we assume that they agree with it - as would appear likely from their general press - and we therefore take it to represent the views of the WL as well. Below we take up some of the issues it raises.
One of the main indictments which the "Trotskyist Opposition" and the WSL bring against the IMG is 'propagandism' — a refusal to fight for transitional demands inside the working class relegating this to propaganda while in practice liquidating' oneself errors, of which of course every organisation, includtion of participating in organisations such as the Medical Commutee Against Private Practice (MCAr), the Troops Out Movement (TOM), the National Abortion Campaign (NAC), etc.
Instead of these organisations, the Trotskyist Opposition' and the WL recommend the establishment or delinite organisational metnods which can actually impose them [transitional demands]. (Socialist Press, 14 January). These "definite methods' are apparently to be strictly counterposed to "liquidationist left blocs' Such a counterposition. however is liable to fall into all the traps of the sectarian methoc or ine workers kevolunonary rarty - Ine organ isation run by Gerry Healy, from which the WSL emerged as the result of bureaucratic expulsions.
Take nirst ine question or workers control dem ands, on which the WS correctly lay considerable stress. Such demands have to be fought for through developing the consciousness of the working class to an understanding that, in order to meet their practical needs, bodies to impose workers control are necessary. In practice the WSL know what this means and how a campaien for it must be started Part of a Process In the Cowley car plant, an Open the Books committee nas been exabusica. us nas been won as uc result of a principled struggle in which IMG and WSL members have fought against the implications of the Ryder report for workers in the car industry. As a result of this fight it has been possible to establish the Open the Books committee as a sub-committee of the shop stewards committee. The Open the Books committee, through presenting an alternative to the collaborationist joint management committees, has won a considerable section of the workforce and the stewards to opposition to the management's phoney participation. However, this step - substantial as it is is only part of the process of moving towards the imposition of workers control in the Cowley factory Moreover, the relationship of forces in other car plants is not as favourable as in the Cowley plant.
It is therefore necessary to establish organisational forms which represent a minority position in the plants, which will initially be a grouping of vanguard MCAPP Conference-WSL welcomed it, but failed to draw any general conclusions tendency known as the 'Trotskyist Opposition', resigned from the IMG to join the Workers. Socialworkers. This was the burning need in the recent events at Chrysler, which was partially met by the production of the report by workers in the Whitley design plant. "Chrysler's Crisis - a Workers Answer' ns evor whatever us weaknesses. bascarseil urmv on me necu to revea me company secrets in order to prepare a workers' solution to fight that of the Labour Government and Chrysler. Such developments are not to be counterposed and certainly not confused with mass factory committees and workers control, but are a step towards them.
Initiatives the revo unonary organisation nas to nanto initiatives in action which can draw sections of the working class into struggle with its reformist leader ship on all fronts. This necessarily, as Trotsky points out, involves forcing the reformist leaders of the working class to involve themselves in specific actions in which the revolutionaries engage in united action with tem. unis was precisely mrosky s metnod.
•Does the united front extend only to the working masses, or does it also include the opportunist cadeTs.ne very Dosing or me cueson s a DrOUuCE! of a misunderstanding. If we were able simply to unite tne working class around our own banner, or around our practical immediate slogans, and skip over reformist organisations whether party or trade union, that would of course be the best thing in the world. But then the question of the united front would not exist in its present form.
*The question arises from this, that certain very important sections of the working class belong to reformist organisations or support them. Their present experience is still insufficient to enable them to break with the reformist organisations and join us. It may be precisely after involvement in these mass initiatives.. that a major change will occur in that direction. This is just what we are striving for. But that is not how things stand at the moment' (First Five Years of the. Communist International, Vol. I p. 92).
Healy is very clear about the relevance of this approach recommended by Trotsky: these conditions do not apply todav. No united tront is possible giver the weakness of the revolutionary forces. United acnon Derween rerorists and revo uronanes merely gives cover to the reformists, establishing left blocs" which are oostacies to clearly exposing the role or reformist leaders. Hence it is that Healy's theoretical position is never ever to participate in united action with other forces. All that is possible today is to The world wide oftensive Tasks which face feebleness of the • group, as we "build the party", until a position is reached where the strength of the party can force united action onto the reformists.
The WRP has a totally wrong estimate of the relation of forces which the new rise of the world revolution has created in Britain. It is possible today to force the reformist leaders into action. But this is only possible if the pressure of all those breaking with the reformist leaders is brought to bear in action Such a vanguard cannot be simply equated with those inside the revolutonary organisation IS TOm IS fact that the need for such bodies as the TOM, NAC, and MCAPP flows.
However, the WRP's estimate of the relation of forces has a further consequence. If it is true that the relation of forces prevents the building of united fronts, then the Transitional Programme cannot play any role in mobilising the mass of the working class in struggle unless it is thought that the class can simply Jump over tel terermist cauers Maximum programme The Transitional Programme becomes purely an instrumentor exposure for oura ne une barry The demands of the Transitional Programme are presented in the form of an ultimatum to the working class: Break with your reformist leaders and join with us in the struggle for the dictatorship of the proletariat. The Transitional Programme in Healy's hands is reduced to a maximum programme, and the struggle with the reformist leaders is confined to the pages of Workers Press, rather than to precise actions where the reformists' claims to leadleship can be tested in front of the forces that they A break with the sectarian methods of the WR therefore involves not only a fight for demands tha can mobilise the class, but also break with the Healyite conception of the impossibility of building un ited fronts in this period.
If the WSL considers that the tactics of organisa tions like the NACand TOM in fighting for such united fronts are incorrect or that their political basis is inadequate, then its first duty should be to fight for a correct line of march - both through and outside these organisations. The first principle for which the revolutionary Marxists fight in united actions is complete freedom of agitation and propaganda. None of the organisations at which the WL aims its hire seek to bind the political tendencies to limiting themselves to raising one paracuiar une on any qucsuor But because of an incorrect understanding of the • role of the revolutionary organisation, Healyite deviations continue to poke their nose through WSL practice.
This expresses itself on the one hand through their tailism and sectarianism, and on the other through an accommodation to the spontaneous consciousness of the working class. The WSL, in its castigation of the united front tactics of the IMG, ignores Trotsky's advice on this score The Communists, as has been said, must not oppose suen acmons unred actions wi ne retormists.
but on the contrary must assume the initiative for enem, precisely tor une reason that the greater is tne mass drawn into the movement, the higher its self-confidence rises, all the more self-confident will the mass movement be and all the more resolutely will it be capable of marching forward, however modest may be the initial slogans of struggle. And this WHICH CLASS?
SPELT OUT such a formation o Socialist Press, 14 January 1976 means that the growth of the mass aspects of the movement tenas to radicanse it, and creates much more favourable conditions for the slogans, methods or struggie and in general une leadg tole or tre Communist Party' (ibid - our emphasis).
The alternative presented by the SL mirrors that of Healy, in counterposing the independent activity of the revolutionary organisation to united action. The most unfortunate way in which this is projected is revealed when the "Trotskyist Opposition' says: Whereas the IMG liquidated itself into propaganda blocs such as the TOM and the NAC, the WSL fought openly in the unions for the transitional programme.
On much of its work in the unions we have no wish to disparage the WL. It is perfectly true that соте Home or me was Has on a whoe Janee of issues in the Cowley factory a good position which we support; the same comrade made an excellent intervention at the TWU conference; and the WL as a whole advances a more or less correct position on workers control, with which we have little disagreement. But the reality is that in fighting for the issues and slogans of the Transitional Programme, the so-called "liquidationist propaganda blocs' in which the IMG indulges have done far more to bring these questions to a wider audience than the WL by LES TCHOOS It was the MCAPP, not the WSL, which assembled over 300 labour movement delegates to adopt a programme on taking up such questions as the opening oline books and a shame scale or buone exochalure; it was the forces assembled round the TOM not the woe, waien got 2,000 our on bloody sunday to demand "Troops Out of Ireland'; it was NAC which brought 30,000 onto the streets against the James White Amendment Bill, and which played a leading role in getting the TUC and Labour Party conferences to adopt the demand for Free Abortion on Request.
The reality is that the WSL, through its attitude to liquidationist propaganda blocs, was in the tail and not the vanguard of most of these actions. Thi WSL has followed the initiatives set in motion by the IMG and others. If the method of the IMG Is liqui dationisin' then all that can be said is. that the WSL is the rearguard of the liquidators Two paths But there is more involved than this. If an organisation operates according to the view that no initiatives can be taken because of the relation of forces this means that those issues which go against the spontaneous consciousness of the working class are either not acted on - and theories are developed to Jusury unis or else they are relegated to propagand: in one's press and sectarian jamborees. This is most obviousy mue o tenne 200 on and 2u ascIs where this has been precisely the practice of Healy The WL still hangs suspended between the method of Trotsky and that learnt from the WRP - and it will find itselt ground between the two Before the WL lie only two paths. The first Sends back to me war nesccond leads to Iotskyism and to principled fusion with the Fourth International. us a choice me wor may seck to avor in a mard anternanve at present, but tne tron logg of politics is stronger than all subjective intentions.
THE EDITORIAL BOARD Next Week: The way forward in Britain
In2TE nOC h tôn ton tin t 'CMPI ТРС По АО КП Таш IA SD0P 100 Bu SHOn odRs Soue siTuoWWO •fo alE DuE Aw UsEl au Ta3mIad SIE OSUO HIM SUSO SHe 1O am uonsanb 01 sP IRI Os TuaM 1a13 sms al le weeal dls Cau alua but àn Tà tà tà tà ti àn BUNATA AIRT O OROT P A ASIITOTA AnO SVS 30778 30MOT13 anesi auNPus-JaMo0 0220.
MPHUP SUOROUSAURUEOMA umou Dup Mei am to ales sa wol saatastam YLOSONULOANO IATANAOUT T ON uolnjos, HSTTR TOCDET anisino naniaan ad mM. JUP DaTUR Ran RO DuOeSaT 01 ADRaT
1z reoruary 19/0
----- pull-quotes -----
IMG: WHY WE HAVE RESIGNED
sava L STIINDOD 9