funeral. But apparently Cosgrave and O'Brien consider that paying your last respects is a threat to state security. Or perhaps their attitude merely means that they are now prepared touse any excuse to stamp on the opposition to their continuing complicity with British imperialism, and their continual anacks on the rights and aving stand ards of workers and others in the southern 26 counties of Ireland.
The economic crisis in the Free State, with unemploy ment running at 14 per cent, has brought the Fine GaelLabour coalition to a state of complete panic. The seul outs mulapiy dany. They've just ditched an Act granting equal pay to women - and have forced John Stagg is ba red from his brother's coffin at Shanne a resolution calling for a demonstration to Leinster House (parliament buildings); a mass lobby of the Dail; and similar action by all unions affiliated to the Dublin Council of Trade Unions. This resolution was also passed by the Dublin Council of Trade Unions.
It was clear from the start that the trade union bureaucrats had little enthusiasm for the march, and even up to the last minute it looked as if they might call it off. In the event, a sufficient number had been mobilised (not by the bureaucrats, of course) to make the demonstration a success of some significance.
The other aspect of the RMG's orientation was to attempt to forge unity in action between Republien and socialist organisations. Although une irisa kepubncan socialst rarty (IRSP) rejected such proposals, a •United Campaign Against the Criminal Law (Juridiction) Bill' was EEC to protest. But above all they have grown ever more desperate for help and approval from the British Government. It was this above all that caused their treatment of Frank Stagg's body.
Socialists in Britain can do little to bring the Free State politicians responsible for this exercise in grave-robbing to book But we can most certainly bend all our entorts to making sure that tnere s no imperialist policy left for them to cooperate with any more. The only response to the events of last week can be to redouble our efforts to get Britain out of Ireland: Troops out now -self determination for the Irish people! JANICE MILLS formed, bringing together the Irish Civil Rights Association (ICRA), People's Democracy (PD), RMG, the Socialist Workers Movement, League for a Workers Republic and others; it produced a pamphlet and held pickets and a public meeting.
Even though the Bill is likely to be passed, it is almost certain to be challenged as unconstitutional and referred to the Supreme Court, so it is by no means a dead issue.
The fact of trade unionists march-"
ing against it in Dublin gives a basis for building further opposition;
revolutionary socialists will be campaigning for trades councils and other such bodies to take action and to educate their membershios in relation to repressive legislation.
The Bill will mean that the Southern state has one of the toughest penal codes in Europe.
International opposition to the Dublin Government's repressive legislation can provide valuable support to socialists and Republicans in their struggle in Ireland.
STEVE MacDONOGH years have devoted most of their attention to the Six Counties of the North. But a real understanding, even of the North, can only come with an appreciation of the situation in Ireland as a whole.
this - not least of which is the way the southern ruling class has been falling over backwards to aid Britain in its reomic and political development of Ireland as a wnole is what motivates une ingly, it is only on the basis of an all-Ireland view that we can start to make sense of the anti-imperialist struggle.
pendence in 1918-21 brought British imperialism to the recognition that the ous business. The 1921 treaty marked a British attempt to get out on the best possible terms. The country was parttuioned ane tne doparatus or orange sec tarianism strengthened in the northern Dix countes inar remaineo arecty under the Crown. Integrated fairly well developed industry in the Belfast area integrated into the British economy. At the same time the Free State, while nominally independent, was effectively no more than an agric ultural supplier for Britain. Trade was dominated by britain going so far as to establish British naval Irish land continued to flow back to annuities paid by the Dublin government.
bank clerk for the British was immensely satisfying for a section of the southern ruine class. inacea, mey rougnt d bloody two year civil war for the privilege. Understandably, socialists who have written on Ireland over the last few nere are a numoer or reasons on pression of the minority in the Six Counbut above al its Decause the econ was sold otr cheap.
long term strategy of imperialism; accord- Precarious ine insn strucore vor national inde maintenance of direct rule was a dangerInis arrangement served to keep tne - ine trearv ever bases in the Free State - and rents from London and Birmingham in the form of To function as rent collector and Irish banking and finance have always chalked up their percentages by acting as middlemen in Anglo-Irish trade Ine large tarmers similarty saw obvious advantages in a guaranteed market for their goods. It was these two groups that provided the main political props for the pro-treaty/pro-British parties in the Free State - first Cumann na nGaedhal, and nowadays Fine Gael.
However the arrangement had def. inite disadvantages for other sections of trisn society. ine small tarmers tound the land annuities a crippling burden, and benefited little from trade with England. Most of their produce went to the home market - that is to say, it The working class was if anything quo in an even more precarious position. The main fields of emplovment remained distribution and agriculture. Wages in industry were comparatively low, and unemployment was high.
By the 1920s the spirit of Connolly and Larkin had long since departed une orcanisations or une irisn labou movement. The Irish Labour Party had ignored the treaty and devoted all its efforts to denouncing militarism - rather as sections of the British left today can Tine notning to say about relano ex cept to condemn bombing campaigns.
ne atutuce or ine risnadoul Party turned it into the left hand of Cumann na nGaedhal, as the latter vig orousv oursuee a policy orcrackinc down on the Republican movement The workers themselves, usually with out the trade union and Labour Party leaders, launched struggie arter struggie making industrial disputes a central tac tor in Free State history.
Far more instructive than the whining of the social democrats was the effect of the events of the 1920s and '30s on the repuoncan movement. The social upsurge accompanying the struggle for national independence (of which a high point was the establishment of workers cooperatives in the dairy industries in Kerry) had already pushed sections of the Republic movement to the left. Now the Republicans came James Larkin, pre-World War One Irish labour leader, whose birth centenary is this year. Even by the 1920s his spirit had long sinc face to face with their own ruling class.
They had only two options - to turn to the workers, or to face extinction The conflict tore them in two, and a large tert wing around tne communis Peadar O'Donnell emerged as the most militant section of Republicanism. A fusion between the national struggle and the social struggle came near to reality Tor ne Tirst ume since 1oie In the long run, O'Donnell lost out. But his effect on Republicanism, combined of course with the prior and greater contribution of Connolly, was to make the Republican movement the most likely area for the emergence of • revolutionary strategy in the future.
The Cumann na nGaedhal regime did not only arouse the antagonism of the masses. Sections of the ruling clas iseir were also unnagov witn tne status Direct control by British finance, and the competition of British manufac tures, had made life somewhat uncomfortable for the emerging southern inoustriaisis. ney mcunea towards di economic policv consisting of protection in trade inoustra crowin. anc create freedom from control by English capital The new tycoons, the gombeenmen, found their political voice in the Fianna ral party, wnien nad started ne a Cumann na Poblachta - the main political voice of the anti-treaty forces in the civil war.
Total break In the late 1920s and early '30s its main figurehead, De Valera, and most of the apparatus broke with the Republican movement tor good and all The name of the party was changed and it rapidly transformed itself into nothing more than the voice of southerr industry. However its past, and the nistorv orits leaders enaolec riann. Fail to win substantial numbers of work ing class and small farmer votes.
It was this political factor that made Fianna Fail the dominant party in the Free State from 1933 onwards. Next week we shall examine the economic policy of Fianna Fail and its consequences.