The clique politics of the Parliamentary Labour Party have produced the desired result. Jim Callaghan, Wilson's preferred successor, has been elected leader of the Labour Party and Prime Minister.
The left MPs are already falling over themselves to pledge loyalty to the new leader. They were not even willing to break with the fraud of the elections to fight for a Labour Party Conference to decide the issue, still less to stand a candidate who would have opposed the central planks of the Government's policies of unemployment, cuts and a reduction in real Record Callaghan's political record shows a life devoted to the service of capital and personal advancement - a combination he has never found to be at odds. As Foreign Secretary most recently, he displayed a remarkable talent for following every twist and turn of US foreign policy as expressed through the personage of Henry Kissinger.
Ine 1soy intervennon or une British Army into Northern Ireland in a "policing role', introduced by Callaghan as Home Secretary, was menaca to prevont me civ ngats struggle from turning into a fight by the anti-Unionist population to bring down we sectaran orange statelet. Thè intervention of the Labour Government paved the way for the Bloody Sunday murders in January 1972.
minded by Callaghan was the writing of racialism into British law in 1968. Capitulating to Duncan Sandys and Enoch Powell, Callaghan talked of a lemming-like rush' of Kenyan Asians who had been deprived of citizenship in their home country into Britain. His Commonwealth Immigrants Act of 1968 distinguished between white and black immigrants coming into Britain - all white immigrants were allowed in without resLICLION.
Callaghan managed to weather that storm through his base in the Labour Party apparatus. His climo to high office in 1964 was marked by the stout support of the right wing in the party. Connections Callaghan, despite his air of solid working class incorruptibility, has not hesitated to use his party and governmental connections to help old friends turn a quick profit. As Private Eye has pointed out, his connections with Julian Hodge, Weish based financial juggler, are less than wholesome. The magazine drew attention to:
* The 1967 Budget, which gave inexplicable concessions to three wheel cars. Hodge just happened to to control one of the only two manufacturers, Reliant cars.
* Callaghan's directorship of The Commercial Bank of Wales, another Hodge enterprise.
* The part letting of Julian Hodge Heuse, a property white elephant, to a Whitehall departCallaghan protects this position from attack by his 'cloth cap image' and bureaucratic local party organisation - common to that group of MPs known as the South Wales Mafia'.
Crosland, chief spokesman of the 'revisionists', tried to theorise that capitalism no longer existed. It had been replaced by the mixed economy, which meant that class divisions in society were rapidly withering away. The Labour Party could pursue a bourgeois programme fighting the vestiges of the old class divisive ideas summed up in Clause 4 of the Constitution.
Bevanism, on the other hand, tried to overcome the contradiction - though in a very confused way - by bringing the programme of the Labour Party into line with what it saw as the interests of the working class.
Broker Wilson, like Callaghan, had his base in the Labour Party structures. But unlike Callaghan, he used verbal concessions to the left in order to balance between left and right - sometimes supporting the left in words, while always supporting the right in deeds. broker's role between left and right ployment.
Wilson let this ORGANISE FOR