As the process of social democratisation of the Communist Parties develops, it hecomes increasinov clear now Inese reformists have adopted a bourgeois world-view, clearly snown in them attitude to religion.
Religion is one of the ways that the rulina class can appeal to the false consciousness of the masses - thus the mvin is createe unar rengton is d "moral' force above politics. This myth is upheld by reformists of all kinds.
Thus prominent Catholics were invited to stand on the Italian communist Party slate in a country where the Church has never even tried to hide its enmity to the working class and its organisations. And the British Communist Party is no exception. The Morning Star recently printed an article by the Archbishop of Canterburv called The Battle for a Healthy Society', in which he came out with all the usual liberal platitudes:
'Someone treats another as a thing rather than a person of equal value with himself when, for example, an employer treats an emplovee as a means by which he can become rich rather than as a fellow numan beine wiw whom ne co operates for the good of society: or when an employee treats nis empioyer as one to be exploited rather than as a fellow human being to whom he gives a full day's work in return for a full day's wage.' By publishing this reactionary nonsense, the CP helps to build the myth that the capita ists and me workine class are two equal opponents above whom the Church and the State are 'impartial' judges. And when this "impartial' Archbishop is in reality leading a campaign against women's right to abortion, the appearance of his article in the Morning Star is notning snort of scandalous.
Lenin pointed out that the division ot the Curch trom une state was ure task or the bourgeois democratic revolu tion, but that where this had not been achieved the task tell on tne snoulders of the proletariat (in the imperialist stage of capitalism, bourgeois anticlericalism is almost extinct). That is why the Bolsheviks declared that 'religion is a private affair" (i.e. not an affair of the State).
But Lenin made the position of the revolutionary party clear: So far as the party of the socialist proletariat is concerned. recion is not a orivate ariair. Our party is an association of class-conscious. aovanced Tianters Tortne emancipation of the working class. Such an association cannot and must not be indifferent to lack of class-consciousness, ignorance or obscurantism in the shape of religious beliefs.
We demand complete disestablishment or the cauren so as to de aole to combat the religious Toa with purely ideological and solely ideological weapons, by means of our press and by word of mouth. But we founded our association, the RussianSocial-Democratic Labour Party, precisely against every religious bamboozling of the workers. And to us me aeologicar struggre is not a private affair, but the affair of tne whole party, or tne whole proletar iat.' religion by propaganda, revolutionaries should never introduce a false division and non-religious workers, because that would be playing into the hands of the priests. It is only by being drawn into class struggle activity that religious workers will break from the superstitions of centuries of repression.
oppression or any minority fengion not to encourage those religions, but because any oppression arises out of class interests and is a form of class oppression. That 'religion is a private affair' as far as the State is concerned is as true after the socialist revolution as before. Anti-semitism in certain A classic example of reactionary superstition: the liquefaction of the blood of San Gennaro in Naples. Its failure to liquefy is supposed to alert the faithful against impen ding danger. So guess what happened this year? It didn't liquefy, of course, as a warning against the Communist menace. The same thing happened in 1799 when Napoleonic officers invaded on the side of the poor. But then the officers threatened the prelate with a quick exit unless the blood liquefied within five minutes. Needless to say, it did!
But while it is necessary to attack into the working class between religious been weakened.
Equally, communists condemn the revolution.
HUSSON.
Red Weekly 1 July 1976 South Africa