destroy an by say rests.
local hotel where the NDFM were supposed to be having a disco. They found that the booking had heen cancelled.
The manager agrood after discussing with the committe not to al be the norel to be used hy the fascists in future.
On Saturday 8 Jone, Leeds University Union leafletted tbe town centre shop pine procinct with anti-NDFM leaflets Suddenly the fascists staged an appear- ly arrestod ance. They told the leafleters that they were going to get the lads to effect a cittens arrest, and went off, Ar this point the police artived and started harassing a girl from the GLF.
They were joined by the NF DM thug who pointed out gay militant Martin O'Leary to the police, and len a trans vestite who they claimed had abused and defend.
THE FIGHT AGAINST RACISM AND FASCISM. Public meeting with speakers Jack Collins (Kent Area NUM), Tariq Ali (IMG), Maurice Ludmer (NCTUAR) Duncan Hallas (IS). Fri 14 June, 8 pm, Institute of Education, Malet St, W.C.1. threatened them.
As the left hegan to square up lo the NFDM their "leaders' decided to leave. The police then decidod that giving out leaflets constituted an obstruction. Two CP:militants who disputed the legality of this were promptThe attitude of the Deeds police to the fascists was succinerly expressed by one copper who sid: Well, they | the NFDM] may be Nazis, But they are an improvement on you lot. At least they don't broak the la,? The Leeds police, famous for its back bashing activities. certainly knows which law it is there to Red Weekly Page
IN A MATTER OF HOURS, on the night of 25 April, the ruthlessly efficient, dictatorial regime which has dominated Portugal for more than 40 years was swept away. The Government was toppled it a neat, surgical operation carried out by the army, with the Portuguese masses appearing on the streets only after the job was all over. How could such a dramatic change take place so rapidly and with such little resistance?
There is only one explanation almost the entire Portuguese ruling class was convinced of the need for a major change in State policy, and had come to the conclusion that the removal of the Cactano Government and the dismantling of the old regime was the only means to obtain it.
CAPITALIST EUROPE
For the past decade the development of the Portuguese coonomy has been closely tied up with the growth of exports to capitalist Europe, and the establishment of foreign plants -mostly by European companies - In Portugal itself.
Portugal was a founding member of the free trade bloc, EFTA (Europcan Free Trade Association), set up in 1960 by those European states who remained outside the Common Market (Britain, the Scandinavian countries, Switzerland and Austria).
When many of these countries -including Portugal's biggest customer, Britain - decided to join the Common Market, Portugai had no choice but to seek a special free trade agreement with the EEC, This it finally accomplished in 1972.
The importance of trade with Europe can be gauged from the fact that last year the EEC (including its recent recruits from EFTA) bought more than 45% of Portugal's exports. and supplied a similar proportion of her imports, Altogether, more than 55% of Portugal's foreign trade is with capitalist Europe.
At the same time, many big international monopolies have been setting up branches in Portugal, either to produce for the domestic market (e-g. car assembly plants) or to produce for export (electric appliances, electronic components).
For these reasons the European connection has become of overriding importance for the Portuguese capitalists in recent years, overshadowing the historic ties with the African colonies.
COLONIES The colonies are still economically very important. They absorb a share of Portugul's exports out of all proportion to their place in the world economy (about 15% last year) and are a crucial overseas market for Portugal's manufacturing industry. At the same time, they are major suppliers of raw materials for Portug al's industries: the main exporting industry of Portugal, textiles, depends very heavily on raw carton from Mozambique, lor example This classical sort of colonial relationship between Portugal and her African territories - importing raw materials and exporting manufactured goods - has carried with it dangerous consequences. The brutal methods of exploitation needed to implement such a policy sparked off widespread resistance among the native population, and by the mid-60's Portugal found herself tied up in a major foreign military campaign, embracing every one of her major overseas possessions (Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea-Bissau), This war, which has been raging for more than 10 years, hegan to devour an ever growing share of Portugal's limited resources, The financing of the war now cats up aboul 50% of total Government spending, and more than 7% of the total production of the economy.
This is more than half as much as Portuguese businessmen invest in total cach year.
The toll in terms of manpower has been even greater. The army -with about 200,000 men - 15 almost the same size as the British army, in a country with less than oneseventh the population. Morcover there are estimated to be some 100,000 draft dodgers in exile in Europe.
DRAIN
The impact of this on a country whose monstra working class only about 1 million strong is only too obvious. The drain on manpower created by the wars, combined with the haemorrhage of mass immigration (there are estimated to be about F.5 million Portuguese immigrant workers in Europe: one-third of the total Portuguese working class, and probably a majority of the industrial proletariat), has produced a very serious labour shortage in the country. This has become a major problem for the development of capitalist industry.
The Portuguese capitalists might have heen prepared to bear these burdens if they were guaranteed secure tossession to the colonies in exchange. But the opposite was the EASE.
Imperialism long ago discovered the technique of "neo-colonialism" - granting formal independence while imperiaiism. continuing economic domination of exploited countries. But the continuation of the colonial wars meant that the possibility of adopting such a strategy - based as it must be on a deal with a section of the native middle class. - was hecoming more and more remote. The entire African population was being driven into the arms of the liberation movements, who in turn were being radicalised by the ruthless and uncompromising stand of Portuguese colonialism.
Moreover the principal argument against a neo-colonial strategy -Portugal's inability to compete in the open market with the major imperialist powers - was being undermined by the European ambitions of Portugal's capitalists, It was impossible for Portugul to seek closer economic ties with Europe and at the same time jealously guard ber colonial backyard against fellow European capitalists. It was clearly going to be necessary to open the colonies to foreign economic interests. What the Portuguese capilalists had to aim for was a deal with thoather imperialists, trading their expertise and established position for a guaranteed share of the total takings from joint imperialist exploitation. But no such deal could be carried through if Portugal was heing forced ouf of the colonies at gun point.
CHANGE
For that reason almost all sections of the Portuguese capitalist class have been in agreement for some time that a change of strategy towards greater liberalisation at home, greater political independence for the colonies, and an end to the colonial wars is needed to consummate Portugal's marriage with European capitalism and Western This view has been hell by capitalists with major African interests. Indeed, most of the major industrial concerns have their feet firmly planted in both continents Two of the staunchest backers of the coup - the giant CUF and Champalimaud monopolies - both have extensive African interests. CUF not only owns one tenth of all private capital in Portugal, hut is the virtun] sole proprictor of the economy of Guinea-Bissau as well.
The problem the capitalists faced The Portuguese workers' movement, which it had to operate, had already revealed its righting ability on more than one occasion, Moreover it would ing the monopolies interests.
left in the background control, moves were made to to the colonies was how to bring these changes about. ominousla despite the difficult conditions under ating his little "liberal experiment.
be a shame to do away with the mach- members of the Government were 1974 WILL GO DOWN IN HISTORY AS A VERY BAD YEAR FOR THE RULING CLASS The year opened up with a political crisis in Britain, and the fall of the Tory Government und Then, in Italy, parties of the right received a big setback with their resounding defeat in the d of the capitalists managed to win the presidential election - but only by the skin of his teeth What may yet prove to be the most serious sore for the European capitalists is still develop military coup in Portugal. The continent has not seen such a combination of circumstances fa Portugal's neighbour, Spain, was conquered by the reactionary forces of General Franco in 19 There was a big welcome for Conmunist Party leader Alvaro Cunhal when he returned from exile after the coup - but now the CP has come out openly against mass actions by the working class (branding those who take this course as 'fascist tools'), and has dropped its demand for a freelyelected constituent assembly in favour of the junta's vague promise of elections 'within a year' So the first efforts of the capitalists were directed at stimulating "liberal" trends within the fascist machine. The illness and retirement of that mach me's architect, Salazar, in 1968 gave them their opportunity. With their support Marcello Caetano, a close associate of Salazar, but a representative of the old regime's liberal" wing (he had, for example, resigned his post as Dean at Combra University in the 1960's in protest at the brutal suppression of student demonstrations), became Prime Minister, He did his best to carry out the monopolies programme, The democratic opposition was allowed greater freedom to operate; the political polico (the infamous PIDE) were renamed and brought under tighter stimulate foreign investment, develop industry and grant greater autonomy TROUBLE But this plan run into trouble very ferment rapidly. On the one land the workers' moveinent seized the new opportunities to step up their struggle, made more necessary than ever by the saviour! spiralling rate of inflation. On the other, die-hard reactionary forces based in the heart of the old fascist machine on which Caetano depended - the upper reaches of the army, the political police, the ruling political party hegan to fattle their sabres By 1970 Cuetano was busy liquidThe free elections of trade union leaders which had been permitted were all overturned, the most liheral purged and others resigned in protest.
Repression on an even larger scale was unleashed against the workers" for another day. movement and the opposition.
For the Portuguese monopolists this was a crucial object lesson. It was clear that no successful reform could be carried through from within the fascist machine. The problem was what force outside the machine could they turn to for the job?
The democratic opposition was just a hodge-podge of liberal intellec tuals. The Communist Party was the only real political force in the countTy. A political campnign of opposition to the Government would draw the masses into the struggle, and threaten to push the struggle well beyond the modest aim of the monopolies.
Little wonder, then, that their eyes should stray to the army. There they found a welcome sight in the forn of General Spinola, a man who shared their views, who had consid. crable prestige and influence throughout the army - which was already riddled by discontent and political - but who bad proved his ability in the colonies as a ruthless defender of capitalist and imperialist rule. Truly they had found their It was this combination of dis content within the lower ranks of protessional army ofticers - organis ed in the Movement of the Anned Forces - the political prestige of General Spibola, and the solid backing of the most important Portuguese capitalests thut gave the military coup its tupid and casy victory.
Faced with such a combination Caetano had no desire to try and clutch on to the reins of power. and with his surrender the cause of the 'oki guard" seemed doomed. The reactionary forces simply crumbled into dust, and scuttled off to wait
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inery of the old regime entirely - it could still play a useful role in defend-