THE RULING CLASS will get little comfort from the recently concluded annual conference of the National Union of Mineworkers.
The highspot of a stormy week was the debate on this year's wage claim. The Yorkshire Area had proposed a resolution calling for pay rates of £65 for face workers, £5O for other undergound workers and t45 for surface workers. These rises were to take effect from 1 November, with industrial action to be taken tin the event of an unsatisfactory offer There were four other resolutions on pay on the agenda, and the beginning of the week saw a great deal of behind-the-scenes manoeuvring to get all the motions composited into one. The Yorkshire delegates were willing to drop the 1 November deadline but the NUM right-wing (led by Len Clarke, the Nottinghamshire Area president) were adamant that no precise figures should he mentioned.
In the end the Yorkshire resolution was defeated by 138 to 134. Jack Lally, the Midlands Area president, cast the deciding votes against. even though he had been mandated by his area to vote for. The successful resolution, carried by 138 to 134, called upon the NUM executive only to seck substantial inoreases in wages and improvements in conditions, which reflect the new relative importance of the mineworkers in the country s economy But the debate did not finish with these votes. The next day the conference overwhelmingly approved a resolution opposing all forms of incomes policies, whether statutory or voluntary so long as the capitalist private profit-making character of British society remains unaltered." The capitalist press, only too eager to present the defeat of the Yorkshire resolution on wages as a major victory for the 'social contract', were a little dismayed by this apparent about-tace. What they failed to grasp, however, was the precise nature of the rightwing's victory over the wage claim. The axations from the contereoce floor were reserved for the proYorkshire speakers and Lawrence Daly, so-called left-wing general secretary of the NUM summing up for the execulive in favour of the "moderate motion, was obliged to add 'it might be a good idea if both resolutions were accepted... then we'd have to have a marriage of con TENCHEE One thing emerged very clearly whatever the precise amount of the wage claim that is eventunily put in. it will not fall in line with whatever "voluntary norms' the Labou Government seeks to impose at the end of Phase 3. The miners well remember the days before 1972 when their "moderation" brought them pay rises of only a few bob and they are not prepared now to throw away thg gain; of the past two years.
MANOEUVRE But if the ruling class and the Labour Government can find no real cause for celebration as far as the wageffront is concerned, they have been given important room for manoeuvre, Two key problems which face the ruling class are how lo stop the miners acting us a spearhead for the rest of the labour move ment in defiance of an incomes policy, and how to implement some kind of strategy to try to solve the energy crisis", In both cases they have been given a breathing space. not only by the well-prepared political offensive of the NUM right-wing. but also by the failure of the 'lefts' Scargill, MeGahey and Co vide any alternative perspective other than plain " wages militancy.
Some of the arguments put forward by the right-wing were the by now familiar sentiments of don't rock the hoat, but by far the most influential card they had was in the form of an all-round programme for the miners und the mining industry The essential points they made were: (a) the Government hus approxed = £600 million investment prog ramme; (b) the ran-down of the pits has ceased and the coal industry has a vital part to play in the country's economy; (e) therefore, if miners were cooperative and prepared to accept certain productivity targets, the industry would benefit and the miners themselves would be penerously rewarded, To carry nut this pros ramine, so the argument went, it is vital that the Labour Government is kept in power and not jeopardised by the recurrenice of a national miners' strike. Len Clarke told the conference thai a productivity deal would achieve the pay targets set out in the Yorkshire resolution.
The response from the left to these arguments was extremely militant sounding. The rejection of all incomes policies under capitaliam was an important stop. But the arguments used to back up this position - 'we never get anything unless we're prepared to fight for it", we've gor the muscle' - failed to answer the specific arguments advanced by supporters of the 'social contract"
No one pointed out that the ability of the Labour Government to carry ouf even its limited programme depends on the strength of the working class, not its moderation, Not did the 'lefts" point out tbat the Labour Government's programme of meagre nationalisations, token price freezes with massive compensation to the manufacturers would in no way solve the crisis even i implemented. The organisations of the working of the Labour Government to carry out class must develop their own prog ranure and begin to fight for certain class-wide demands scale of wapes, national minimum wuge, equal pay etc. No section of the working class is better equipped than the miners to lead a fight on these demands. That is the way they huge social problems created by capitalism.
ALTERNATIVE
The failure of the NUM 'lefts" to provide an alternative perspective simple "wages militancy' seriously hampered the effectiveness of their case, As a result rank and file militants are now left without precise targels for which they can canpaign in the localities in preparation for a militant struggle in the winter. Moreover there was a complete failto pro- ure to expose the real nature of the productivity deal that is being talked about. The so-called new era' for coalmining is just so much wishful thinking. Even the Interim Report (a joint NUM-National Coal the industry) cannot hide the real problems.
prices may decrease the rate of conversion [from coal] to other forms of domestic heating and on consumptily by industry the CBI draws aftention to the great importance which industrial users supplies and provided coal maintains a sufficient price advantage over oil and gas, the losses in this This amounts to little more than blackmail If the miners can raise If nut the employers will be quite happy to switch to other forms of fuel, with the familiar results -rest.
scives on the fact that they are conperned about the whole of the coal job". But this has not stopped various governemnts playing them off cries, the North Sew gus rigs, gus tion that serves the interests of the working class and not the oil monthe old pit-owners who still bleed - a sliding can help the lower paid and solve the to that of the 'social contract beyond Board venture on the whole future of On the domestic use of coal it states that 'higher oil and other fuel attach to security of supply. Provided they can feel assured of adequate Unfortunately, the NUM lefts" made lines laid down by the Labour no attempt to put forward any such ,concrete proposils. They argued against the productivity deal with the vague assurance that in the event of the implementation of the social control and planning of Britain's role resources in the interests of ordinary common people, the NUM will contribute its full cooperation, Opposition to the social contract and the proposed productivily deal were based on very general and abstract The hopes of the ruling class are that the police? victory of the rightwing will provide some time for the productivity deal to be put into motion. This would be extremely valuable to them both economically (cheap coal for industry is still impor tant while the North Sea oil project is beset with problems), and politically. The prospect of a wages offen sive by the working class in the winter or spring would be much less Pickets in action at Shell's Ellesmere Port refinery. A few woes ago, Shell's threats of economic sabotage brougnt the Price commesion to ns rees, But tess workers have shown how Shell can be dealt with, forcing the company to offer a 25% pay increase, and knocking a nasty dent in the 'social contract on the way.
The miners should he forning links with such workars in orber anergy industries to work out and impose a workers energy policy based on workers control. Government. The Government would even he prepared to grant a substan tial pay rise to the miners in return for the productivity targets to prev ent them playing such a leadership The lask now facing militants in the pits is to fight against the implementation of the productivity deal sell-out, and to campaign around demands that can unite the entire working class agrinst the social. contract and offer a working class solution to problems like inflation.
The vanguard role that has been thrust upon the miners after the victories of 1972 and 1974 must now be taken up in a conscious and delib erate way. The planned one-day solid arity strike of the Yorkshire NUM with the nurses'struggle is a good example of how this can be done NICK ADAMS