FOR THE PAST CENTURY miners have been fighting a long, uphill fight to establish uniform national conditIons of work and pay throughout their industry.
in that fight than the right-wing of the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) bureaucracy attempts to send them back down that dangerous slope again. For the NCB's proposed productivity deal - which the NUM night backed - flies in the face of everything miners have struggled for.
Trade unionism in the mines has always been hampered by the fact that natural conditions play a key part in determining both the amount of work required to dig the coal, and the possibility of substituting mechanised techniques for human labour.
Thus the productivity of the individual miner is largely beyond his control, and the normal laws of cap italist production produce a wage system that varics immensely according to individual circumstances and sets 'area against area, pit against pit and man against man' From the standpoint of the capitalists - whether they be the mine owners of yesterday or the NCB bureaucrats from the capitalist state today — such a situation is quite desirable. But it is a threat to the very foundations of trade unionism, as the founders of the Miners' Federation of Great Britain (MFGB), the Yet no sooner have they succeeded forerunner of the NUM, understood.
The MFGB was set up in 1889 as a federation of county unions committed to smashing the infamous "sliding scale" system under which wages were tied to the current price of coal. By 1893 the MFGH was backed by most of the county unions in Eggland, In that same year, they launched a determined strike that lasted for 12 weeks, and won their main demand of a minimum wage for day-workers in place of the sliding scale.
Faceworkers, however, remained totally dependent. on piece-work. Some faceworkers, who found themselves working difficult 'abnormal places could, end up earning nothing at all after a hard day's slog after the war the long-standing demand for nationalisation of the mines was met by the Labour Government. One of the few real gains the miners were to get out of nationalisation was the eventual - establishment of a national wage SETICELTO In 1947, a uniform working week and shifts were established for all workers, between 1947 and 1954 a national rate was won for certain groups, and uniform rises on the day-wage rates narrowed the district differentials for others. In 1955 a uniform national day-wage was agreed on for all non-face workers.
In 1910, the 'abnormal places" problem produced a massive strike wave throughout the South Wales coalfield. And in 1912, after futile attempts to discuss with the mineowners (who rejected national negotiations on the grounds that wages had to be fixed at the district level), the MEGB launched the country's first national miners strike, They wanted district minimum wages forall mineworkers. The strike lasted just over a month, and was brought to an end when the Governmen introduced a bill establishing the princ iple of the minimum wage but without meeting the MFGB's demands as to amounts.
NEGOTIATIONS Throughout all these years the MFGB fought for national negotiations with the mineowners, but the owners steadfastly refused. National wage negotiations were only established towards the end of the First World War when the Government took control of the mining industry that the chaotic state of the industry under private ownership was a major obstacle to the establishment of a national wage structure, and so demanded nationalisation of the mines.
was supported by a Government Commission set up to look into the industry, the Government rejected nationalisation, and announced the ending of controls for 31 March, 1921.
although very gradual at the pit-heads announcing the ending of all contracts. They knew that national wage agreements were mined to scrap them. The miners were equally determined to defend the national system and so the great 1921 lock-out began.
up by their allies in the "Triple Alliance workers - but the bureaucrats from these unions sold them out and left the miners to fight alone, After a bitter three month struggle the miners returned to work on the owners terms, HOPES After the defeat of 1921 the miners hopes for a uniform national wages system had to wait another negotiations were re-established during the Second World War, and But it wasn't until 1971 that the sweat and blood poured out by pencrations of miners came to truition in a uniform national wage structure covering all mine workers.
out the rank-and-file have struck a blow for unity and have vindicated the generations of their forebears vauce the cause of their workmates and of their class.
RAY ALEXANDER wages battle.
to ensure that the European slaughter wasn't interrupted by a coal shortage.
After the war the miners realised Despite the fact that this demand Hadn't motion 49 From the beginning of March onwards the mincowners posted notices not in their interests, and were deterthey do?
The MFGB expected to be backed UNDERLINED the rallway and transport increase half-century for fulfillment. National THE AUEW HAS ONCE AGAIN ducked the issue of the social contract, TERRY CRAWFORD looks at the proposals of the AUEW National Committee and suggest what steps should now be taken by the members in the When the recail National Committe of the engineering union met on 5 November to draw up the next pay claim for manual workers in the ind ustry, everybody knew that what was really at stake was Labour's social contract. Would Hugh Scanlon and his band of militants' sound the battle-cry was the question being asked in the capitalist press.
But Scanlon had plenty of reason to feel hurt at the suggestion he was going to lead a struggle against the Time and time again he has pointed out that the leadership of the AUEW has bent over backwards to cooperate with the Labour government's attacks on the working class, opposing the social contract - been withdrawn at the TUCT Hadn't they scabbed on the last national chim because they didn't want to rock the boat of the new Labour Government? And the very fact that the next claim had been postponed to 5 November was itself a special concession to Wilson and compeny. What more could The reasonableness of the AUEW was once again underlined when the NC rejected the motion calling for a 150 busic in the skilled rate art pro-rata increases for other grades. Instead, they called for a "substantin grades La formula which is desig ned to allow the negotiating team to agree to anything it wants.
This was clearly a conscious dec ether. ision to keep within the limits of the social contract. That the demand for £50 was rejected is an indication of what is meant by 'substantial This decision and the experience of the last pay claim offer hittle prospect of the Executive Council organising any national fight against the employers. The failure to unite with the miners when they took industrial action last winter, the adopt ion of the useless tactic of a national Morning Star reported that his speech just before the vote was widely interpreted as support for the right wing.
The problem for militants in the industry now is what can be done apart trom waiting for the outcome of the prolonged negotiations with the employer? The Communist Party's answer is very little apert from pushing for a 'militant inter pretation of substantial increase The prospect of spending the nekt few months sending resolutions to the Executive Council and tying to get left-wingers' delegited to the next NC is not likely to whip up a great deal of enthusiasm. NO FOCUS The NCs decision provides no focus around which militants can organise. The last claim was at least specific enough and 'substantial" enough to provide a series of dem ands which could be fought for.
If the claim had been won in tull it would have represented: decisive victory for engineering workers. But this time, it must be the rank and file themselves who drew up the demands as well as organise u national struggie. The kind of demands which should be fought for are:
E50 basic rate for skilled workers and across the board increases for other 35 hour working week Immediate equal pay for women and abolition of the women's grade altog A national nil-norm threshald agreement for the engineering industry on too al SI OTEE AE CONFERENCE A rational conference of delegate trom shop stewards committees should he heid to draw up these demands and to populatise them through out the industry. A co-ordinating committee should also he elected
----- pull-quotes -----
PRiO DEALS