tarice to the Prevention of Tertorium Acti pussed in the wake of the hysteria after the Birmingham bombings although its provisions could be used to severely hamper trade union activities in future.
Finally, there are the antics of Powell, who is currently trying to build himsell a base amongst the most reactionary sections of the Protestant population in the north of Ireland with which he can intervene in British politics at a later stage.
Hence we say that the bullding of'a powerful movement within the British working class against the prosence of Brilish troops in Ireland, and for their immediate removal on the grounds that only the Irish have the right to determine their own future, wolld be a massive biow to the preparations of the ruling class not only in Iteland but in Britain stsell such a movement would enormously strengthen the hand of British workers us they prepare to go into the pigantie class battles which are impending But there are militants in the notably supporters of the Communist Party- who have a different conception of our tasks. What do they propose?
BILL OF RIGHTS Let us look, for instance, at what Chris Myant wrote in the CP's paper. the Morning Srar, on 24 October last year. The essential key to the solution of the problems in Ireland, be said, is 'the concept of a Bill of Riphts, u Bill backed by the power of the British labout movement in strugale alonside the people of Northem Ireland.
For Myant, the importance of such a Bill lies in the fact that it is an acuive proposal, not a pastive one which accepts the existence of the present power structuro in the North, a structure based on sectarianism and the paramilitary strength of the right." He goes on: "If the troops were simply to be removed and the British Government were Lo wash its hands of the issue, then the extreme right would have a clear field of fire to slaughter its enemies.
There is an essential contradiction here. Myant correctly acknowledges that the system created by British Imperialism in the north of Ireland is sectarian. But then he goes on to cosplain that if the imperialist army -witose presence belps lo prop up TENT KUSETO were simeply to be pe *****************» IMG GAY GROUP: contact J. Miils, 153 Woodhouse Lane, Leecs.
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BIRABNGHAM KALLY- ARS nSt CAR Cotpeon Market, Fora.linited Socislist States of Europel" Speskers inclu de Ernest Mandel. Thursday 1 May at 7.30pm in Digbeth Ovie Hali Assembly Hal's, Organisod by Birmingham IMG. 'THE STATE, the Law and freland': rew pamphlet by Steve Cohen produced for Menchester NCCL -iwailable price 20p iplus 5p p8pi from Red Books. 97 Caledanian Royd. Landan V.I ***** bloodbath This omesion is the more remarkable in that the pupes of the Star itself have been fill of examples of incidents where the Loyalists have used the presence of the troops in a very direet way. Numerous assassinations have taken place under the eyes of British soldsers in observation posts, and despite the huge ramps placed in the road the Loyalist thugs have found no obstacies to their getaway. 'DEMOCRACY"
But back to the Bill of Righb -a truly amazing conception. Not only must British imperialism he foroed out of Ircland" writes Myant, 'but at the same time imperialism's stooges must have the carpet swept from under their Teel. A Bill of Rights provides just the basis for that It must form the centre of the campaign in support of democracy in the north.
The scope of this envisagod Bill is meantic. It would range from outlawing discrimination in all fields of life to ending internment without trial, to safepuarding the right of all to campaign in democratic elections. Myant concludes: That may sound little [sic!| but it is cnough to crack Chie machinery of repression and discriminstion which is the cause of the crisis." But how. you may ask. is such a Bill to be enforced?
It is here that we begin to see what role the CP has in mind for the troops it has withdrawn to barracks in Its celebrated Bill. But let Chris Myant explain:
"And when the violence does cuine, the British labour raovement must be prepared to use every ounce mored" then there would boa blood of its strength to force the army command to uise its military power in defence of democracy and not to cocoon Labour ministers in a web of reactionary policies.
to carry the horse. Throughout the whole period from 1968 to the presthe Loyalist general strike last Maythe army command has made it pertissue. These people can be relied on to tuke the same attitude as their forebears did at the Curragh whien they mutinied against Home Rule.
thus army of impenaiisas to stop being imperialist for a litcle while and make sure that a Bill of Rights is implemented. The mind boggles at the thought of British imperialism abolishing itself as far as freland is concerned by passing an Act througi its own Parliament and then making sure that its self-imposed abolition is IMPERIALISM and tensions caused by these policics have burst into the pages of the Marning Star itself. On 9 December last ycar Colin Sweet hacked British Peace Committee wrote a letter lo the paper in which he saidi the ideas expressed by Myant This really is like asking jockey ent -and especially in its reaction to ectly clear where it stands on the Irish imperialis n Now Chris Myant wants os to ask carned thtouga by its very own army!
No wonder that the frustrations Catholic population.
who heads the CPabout forcing the ary to defend democracy were 'the most reformist statement I have read in a left newspaper for a long true.
On this question, at least, Colin Sweet is right. The line of the CP atterly confuses the real nature of imperialism, It suggests that imperlalism is merely another poliey of the Government, which can be changed by passing a Bill. On the contrary is LemE CAmnedis a total system of economie, political and caltural domination, It is not a system that can be smashed simply by huilding a campaign for denocricy und against internment.
Why does internment exist in the north of Ireland? It exists because in trying to overcome their economic, pollical and social problems the Catholic population kepr smashing future. up aguinst the barrieis of the sectar ian Orange statelet. Ar a consequence In Britain in the need to build a reai the artificial -imperialist- division of the country presented itseit to tbem in very graphic ternes. The natjonal strusple became incxtricably Linked with all the struggies of the Interousent and ail the ocher hom ors of the last five yoars stom from this. Yes. Liglit in the Brilish working class against internment. but sec bow it is inextricably Linked to the presence ul Brilish troops in lrcland as the guarantors of British dinperialism. LOYALISTS STRENGTHENED Hence, il is useless for militants in Britain fo call for dectarations of intent and phased withurawals. The tr oops will only be withdrawn because of the fight in Britain and Ireland against them, or if British imperialism i5 apie to hand over to its cid and trusted ail, the Layalists.
It is true that the British ruling class is falling back on its old ally seluctantly. The original intention was to hand the whole works over to the Dublin Goremment to act as a policeman for British imperial ism. But to do this they had to make alterations in the north. Thest changes contributed to the first upsurges of the anti-Unionist minority, and the later backlash of the UnionIsts. The British ruling class now has little choice but to embark once again on a policy of concessions to the Loyalists.
Between now and the date for any phased withdrawal the Brilish ruling class will do its utmost to strengtben this aily. This much has heen evident since the Loyalist general strike. The longer British imperialism and its ariny remains, the stronper will be the Loyalist forces and the worse it will be for the Catholics.
In one sense, the Labour Government has already made a declaration of intent on leaving Ireland. The army will pull our wheo the Government figures that the Loyalists can handle the situation for themselves, In that situation we really can start talking about a bloodbath.
TROOPS OUT NOW!
As far as the International Marxist Group is concerned, a crucial lesson should bave been learned trom the last years. This is thal the stronger the self-defence of the Cacholics, the weaker the Loyalists and the quicker British troops are got out, then the more hopeful the prospects for the All these tasks arc concentrated movement tor the smediate withdrawal of croops. That is why we see it as a priority task bo build for the IOM demonstration on 6 April, and the TOM Labour Maversenr Conference on 24 May. The latter, in purtic ular, will lave a vital role to play in curting through the many miscone eptions and errors like those outlined abore which presently surround the Saue of Ireland.