IMGpapers

Newspapers of the International Marxist Group and its forerunners, 1968–1988

NEM MRIS UM SC. SaL END TROTSKYISTS MARCH WITH THE MASSES

Red Weekly No. 94, 27 March 1975 · p. 5 of the scan · 1,154 words

The scan: rw-no94-mar-27-1975.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

Uncorrected machine reading. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from a scan of a newspaper page, and the page was cut into articles by machine, at the headlines found by their type size. Nothing has been corrected: expect misread words, text from a neighbouring article, and titles that are the machine reading of the headline, some of them only fragments. Quote from the scan, not from this page.
How this article was cut and titled: headline found by type size in the OCR geometry (split_tabloid.py); 1-6 of 6; machine-segmented newspaper page; uncorrected Vision OCR.

page 5 of the scan

IN ALL THE MAJOR EVENTS that have takes place in Portugal since the 25 April an important part has been played by the Trotskyist group, the International Communist League (LCI), Portuguese sympathising org anisation of the Fourth International.

Formed shortly before the downfall of the fascist regime, the LCI was involved in all the mass mobilisations which then swept the country, placing in the forefront the demand for Immediate independence for all the Portuguese colonies, In the massive May Day demonstration which was held in Lisbon the week after the April coup the LCI managed to draw more than ten thousand workers, students and soldiers behind its banners raising anti-colonialist slogans.

In the ensuing months LCI militants were in the front ranks of the anti-colonial movement, the struggles of the workers for decent living conditions, and the fight against the class coliaborationist policies of the Socialist und Communist Parties. They org anised broad solidarity with the most Important workers strugeles, like the occupation of the Timex factory and the postal workers strike. They continued to push for the most thoroughgoing purge of reactionaries from all levels of Portuguese society, and they supported the formation of workers" committees in the factories, and argved for the establishment of workers" control over production through these democratic bodies.

'SILENT MAJORITY"

When the right-wing attempted to tip the balance back in their favour through the 'silent majority' demonstration in September, militants of the 1.CT took part in the erection of barricades by workers to block the reactionaries plot, and in the massive demonstrations which followed the downfall of President Spinola.

In the ensuing months they warned that the fight against reaction was far from over, and called for the creation of mass anti-fascist commiittees in the workers movement and in the armed forces to carry through the job of purging the reactionaries. When the reactionaries tried to ro group under new labels (Center Democrats, "Christian Democrats") to take advantage of the forthcoming elections, militants of the LCI were involved in the movement to crush their manoeuvres The LCI is very far from being the biggest proup on the revolutionary left. but it bas distinguished itself by its clear-cut commitment to dev cloping the struggles and organisation of the Portuguese workers into a fight for socialism, by working for the hroudest unity of the workers move ment in the class strugele, and by its fight to unite the forces of the revolutionary left within the framework of this broad unity.

These are very rare and important qualities in a political situation where the revolutionary left is dominated by Maoist groups who, taking their cue from the thoughts of comrade' Stalin and chairman Mao, accept the view that Portugal must first pass through a 'democratic stage betore there can be any thought of fighting for socialism, and carry out their policles in the most sectarian and divicive waThus, while the Maoist groups were denouncing what they call the "social fascists' of the Communist Party, preaching 'trade union unity under Marxist-Leninist leadership' and in some cases even collaborating with the reactionary policies of the Socialist Party and the capitalist Popular Democrats, the LCI (along with other proups not influenced by Mao ist and Stalinist ideas) took part in the massive demonstration of 300,000 workers called by the "Intersindical" In the northern city of Porto LCI miltants were carrying out similar work.

RESPONSIBILITY celebrate the defeat of the coup. In Lisbon, two of the most important ising Movement for the Part of the LCi has taken leading role in organising demonstrations such as this. Democratic Union)

a 'private demonstration of 2000, ween 60,000 and 100,000 workers and militants were gathering in the city centre at the call of the main itants of the LCI understood that their responsibility was to be here, raising revolutionary ideas among the most politically advanced sectIn the eyening mass demonstrations took place across the country to Manist groups-the MRPP ('ReorganProletariat') and the UDP (Workers' were unable to get together even with one another for this occasion, the tirst organising the latter one of 700. Meanwhile betCANDIDATES working class organisations. The mil ions of the mass movement.

In Porto the main demonstration against the coup was publicly billed as a united front between the Communist Party, the Socialist Party, the MES (Left Socialist movement: the most important group to the left of the Communist Party), and the LCL A multant of the Porto LCI addressed the demonstration, and his speech was broadcast on national radio and widely reported in the national press At the present time the most imp ortant activity of the LCI centres around their participation in the forthcoming elections. In order to stand in these elections it has been necessary for each party to produce evidence that it has 5000 members" This means getting at least 5000 people to sign a declaration that they "adhere' to the party in question: clearly this implies considerable commitment to the programme of a particular group. Despite their limited forces, the LCI managed to get a total of 6000 adherents to sign such declarations on their behalf (an even more difficult feat, cons idering that until the banning of the MRPP and the AOC there were eight far left groups on the ballot).

The LCI is pot yet able to present candidates throughout the country, but will be standing in four of the most important working class areas. They will be presenting a full slate in Lisbon, Porto, Setubal and Leirin, with a total of more than 100 candid ates in all The make-up of the LCI Slate gives some indication of their success in gaining a significant degree of inflcence inside some of the most impor tant sections of the working class. In the key working class district of Setubal, for example, the LCI is presenting l6 candidates of whom six are manual workers (including a trade union delegate from the Plessey factory, a worker from the important EFACEC-INEL factory, a postal worker, and the president of the central region of the electrician's union), four white collar workers, two bealth workers, three teachers and one student.

The elections give the ECt an unprecedented opportunity to spread their ideas - central among which is the call for the creation of a workers government based on the united mass organisations of the working class -and to consolidate and extend their influence among the most pol Hically conscious sections of the Portuguese working class. Undoubtedly they will make the fullest use of this opportunity Red Weekly is opening a public appeal for funds to assist the L.CI in their clection campaign. They are a small group with big responsibilities to bear in the tight for a socialist Portugal, and will nood every form of international assistance they can get. Please send contributions imm ediately to: LCI, cio Red Weekly, 182 Pentonville Road, London N. 1. (cheques payable to Red Weekly).

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