Socialist Action No. 119, 1 November 1985

Socialist Action (IMG / Socialist League) · 1 November 1985 · 12 pages, 16,172 words read by machine

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Page 1 scan of this page

FREE NELSON MANDELA

ACTION Smash

apartheid!

No. 119 1 November 1985 30p

one person:

one vote!

Page 2 scan of this page

Free Nelson Mandela

2 Socialist Action 1 November 1985

ACTioN SociAlist

Tribune and the

Campaign Group

THE CAMPAIGN Group of Labour MPs has played a significant role over the past eighteen months.

They have utilised their representatives to address the press, disrupt hallowed parliamentary procedure, they parliamentary bills on withdrawal from Ireland and amnesty for sacked and jailed miners, and they have used their positions as MPs to speak at an enormous number of meetings in support of those people, engaged in mass extra parliamentary struggle.

Precisely because it Labour leadership should be doing, and is not, the Campaign Group has become, alongside Arthur Scargill, the target of a growing series of attacks from Neil Kinnock's entourage within the Labour Party. Tribune in particular has acted as the mouthpiece for attacks on the Gring and leading members of it like Tony Benn.

Tribune devoted the front page of its 18 Oc tober issue to a letter of resignation from the group by Derek Fatchett which accuses the group of vanguardism and aucnonanansu.

Tribune's argument, summarised in the same issue's editorial is that been stronger and the prospects of a radical, Left-wing Labour government have never been greater', so that those, like the Campaign Group who do not agree with Kinnock are rocking the boat' and jeopardising the chances of achieving a ratchete wing barron termist.

Fatchett Barron fisagreements with 'vanguardism'

Nation of the Miners' Amnesty Bill and the circulation

itersley's economic

'refers to such things as the 'vicious personal attacks on Michael reversed his vote and so tipped the balance on

Labour Party NEC amnesty resolution to Labour Party conference.

Tribune develops its follows: 'Yet what than view that the betrays, that principle and power are inevitably in collision and that the only way to keep the Left alive is to fight a constant series of running battes and skirmishes against the ship.

First of all let's dispose of the view, falsely attributed to the Campaign ship always betrays. This is manifestly absurd -Nuth example of the ridership of the months of bitter class struggle and since the leadership' does not always betray.

It is not Benn and the Campaign Group who have been gratuitously picking fights with Kinnock, the reverse is true. Kinnock did fail to support the miners, and any government led by him

vill attack the working class in a way that would make socialists.

Kinnock is abandoning Labour Party policies in order to prepare for such a government. Kin-

ock did use the platform of the Labour Party conference to join the Tory Party, the SDP, the Liberals and Fleet Street in venemous attacks on the leadership of the NUM and of Liverpool City Council.

It is Kinnock who has also added his voice to what has been one of the most brutal campaigns ever to destroy a labour movement leader and his supporters. The campaign to destroy Arthur Scargill is of such dimensions that those supporting it are prepared to take all the risks of trying to smash the NUM itself in order to carry it out.

It is impossible to believe that Tribune is so naive as to fail to see that Norman Tebbit and Fleet Street's praise

ference speech

nothing to do with the promise of a 'radical and

left-wing Labour government.

On the contrary

ynical course of trying to split and destroy the

only voice in Parliament which supports people

actually fightiernment. The Campaien Group Thatcher government.

threatens to continue doing so whether the at-

tacks come from a Tory,

Labour government. That is why it is a butt of at

tack by both the bourgeois press and Tribune.

have pumped out policies SUCA

illustrates what the and Kevin Barron

... the Left has never

itemise their Campaign Group: refers to such actions as the

discussion of an alternative to

statements; 'authoriMeacher' after he

against the NUM's

case against Benn as could be more pessimistic leadership always

party leader-

Group that the leader-

leadership has shown througout twelve

Wilson and Callaghan look like raving

Neil Kinnock's con-

was precisely because it had

Tribune is endorsing a

The Campaign

coalition, of even a

WE

WE

ITAM

STAND

BY 0I

BY OUR

EADY

LEADERS

Demonstration outside treason trial court, 1956 NELSON MANDELA's name symbolises the strug-

against apartheid througho

ed the most popular man in

survey of Africans ancestry. 'Free Nelson emblazoned on countless banners across the world. This chant even reached the British hit parade of pop records. But who is Nelson Mandela?

Nelson Mandela Was born in 1918, the son of a tribal chief in the Transkei — now one of the so-called homelands where the apartheid regime forces the majority of Africans to live, below subsistence, a pool of cheap labour for Loe aces. and mines of the white suprellacists

Mandela began his resistance early when, as a third year college student, he was expelled organising a boycott of the student council had been stripped of its powers. Expelled with him was Oliver Tambo, lifelong friend of Mandela

ana now president or til

Naliulla Congress.

Mandela then went to Johannesburg to study law.

In 1944 Mandela join-

ed the ANC, which was spearheading opposition

to the oppression of blacks

South Africa.

Tambo and others,

Mandela formed the Youth League of the ANC

March 1944. These

youth leaders pushed for

the ANC to adopt a more

militant programme

direct action, of strikes,

boycotts and civil disobe-

dience.

By 1949, following the

election of the Afrikaner

governeal

with its Yo apa theidue SueLane suc cessfully persuadec the

ANC to adopt this stance

In 1952, the ANC, work-

ing with the Indian Con

gress and other allies

organised the Defiance

Campaign. All over the

country Africans, Indians and colores HOTECO

apartheid rules

went to jail as a result.

Mandela became presi-

dent of the ANC for the

Transvaal province

1952. The regime's

response to this popularity

was a banning order, pro-

nibiling Mandela from al

tending gatherings and

collig Shim Johan-

In 1956 he was

nesbulg.

WE

STAND

BY OUR

LEADERS

ut the world. He was

Ruth Africa in a reand people of mixed Mandela' is the slogan

arrested with 156 others and charged with treason. Only after a four year trial were the accused acquitted.

The acquittal came in the year of the Sharpeville massacre, gunned down peaceful By Celia Pugh protesters, killing 69 and wounding 176. Mandela was again arrested and the ANC outlawed. On his release he gave a speech to 1400 African delegates at the All-In African conference, rejecting the forthcoming establishment of a white republic of South Africa.

The delegates threatened to organise a general strike if their demand for a union South in Calls was not met. of this campaign and

this campaign following a wave of street

went underground. The white Republic of South Africa was declared depriving Africans of the made up 70 percent of the though they population. 1961, Monda cent o

labour cent stayed and Pretoria in Johannesburg and In Port Elizabeth 75 per cent went on strike, despite threats

arrests, sacking and eviction. When Mandela went underground his

ress statement explaines

We stressed that the strik would be followed by

forms of mass pressure to force the rac maniacs who govern our beloved countde moratie

democratic way zovernment of the peopl

by the people, for the peo ple... At the present mo-

we plan to mak

government impossible'

Mandela then travelle

o other African countri and Europe • to gain suphis return he as 92 on

was captured

and sentenced to five years

hard labour for his leader-

ship of the 1961 strike and for leaving the country

without valid papers. But

QUARTZ ST WE WE WE

TAND STAND

STAKE MY DUA

BY DID 1DERS BY DUR

LEADERS EADERS

this was to turn into a life sentence when : 1963 he was charged with others of trying to overthrow the state. The penalty if found guilty was death.

With his inspiring evidence, Mandela joined olner evoluold leaders, like Fidel Castro, who

Ised the opportunity of

rial to spell out the cond tions of their people and the policies to overthrow

oppressor. Mandela explained nOu Freedom Charter adopted by 3000 people at

congress of workers housewives. casalls a

tudents in 1955 - sumn ed up the aspirations of the African people democratic rights, equality and justice.

Their aim was not 'to drive the white man into the sea' but to overthrow white subicullal which deprived blacks political rights. While explaining that the ANC united those who aspired to this democratic revolution, Mandela stated that *I am attracted to the idea of a classless society'.

Mandela "The ANC was formed in 1912 to defend the rights of the African people that"s For thirty years until 1949 it adhered

to the constitutional struggle ... But the Walle Cove nucle remained unmoved and the rights of the Africans became less instead becoming greater

'All lawful modes of

Robben Island prison, 1966

WE

STAN

BY OV

LEAD!

expressing opposition had been closed by legislation.

We chose to defy the law. We first broke the law in such a way as to avoid recourse violence. When this form . was legislated against and when the government resorted to a show of force to crush the opposition to its policies, only then did we decide answer violence with violence'.

The Sharpeville massacre sparked a discussion in the ANC. plained 'At the beginning of June 196l. atter a lon and anxious assessment of the South African situa tion I and some of my colleagues came • to the con clusion that the violence in this country was inevitable would be unrealistic and wrong for African leaders tinue preaching peace and non-violence when the government met forepeaceful demands by

So, in December 1961 the military wing of the liberation moverichl Umkhonto we Sizwe Spear of the Nation - wa: formed. manifesto declares: : 'The time comes in the life of any nation

there remain only two choices - submit or fight'

The first operations of Umkhonto involved sabotage of the economy and government, but soon la parfare. Man. guerilla warfare dela's evidence continues, Mandela and Walter Sisulu in South Africa's notorious

International

"Because the soil of South Africa is already drenched with the biood of innocen Africans, we felt it our duty to make preparations as a long term undertaking to use force in order to de Tend ourse ves againsi force.

This determined and frank evidence to the 1963 trial shows that Mandela ducked none of the issues in order to save his skin.

underground he explaine

that the deprivations and hardships struggle would not deter him. He said: have made choice. will not leave South Africa, will I surrender. Only through hardship, sacrifice and militant freedom be won. The struggle is my life'

E was terried ta spark an The apartheid regime

sentence would spark

explosioner international

under international pressure they imposed

life sentence. Mandela has now served 23 years prison — the first ten years without a bed and much of it in solitary confinement broken and he st is But spirit no1

• gIve confidence other

prisoners by campaigning

for better prison condi tions. This year he turned down two offers of release from president Botha refusing to comply with the condition that he re nounce violence.

It is this determinatior to fight for liberation to the end which has earned

Mandela the love , and respect of the South

African people and suj

the world

When Mandela declares

'the struggle is my life

'I am prepared to die', h speaks for the thousands

of African, Indian and

'coloured' people in South

Africa who daily

death because they will not

give rights

demonstrate, bury their

struggle for

freedom

That is why when we

demand 'free Nelsor

Mandela' we are deman

ding the freeing of the

Black people of Sout

Africa. Whe Mandela

walks free, the key won't

only have turned on his Be one, the for Somet

flung open for South

African people to march

to victory for democracy

justice and freedom

Mandela explained: 'No

power on earth can stop an

oppressed i people deter-

mined

freedom'

Page 3 scan of this page

Blood on Thatcher's hands

International

LAST WEEK Maggie Thatcher gloated over the 'tiny, tiny' concessions she made: the Commonwealth conference over sanctions against South Africa. Even as she spoke, Benjamin Moloise murdered by the government, denied even the right to a funeral.

sanctions is simple and sordid. nothing to do with defending freedom and democracy. It has nothing to do with reforming apartheid. It is because British investors have more money in South Africa than any other country in the world. They profit directly, to the tune of billions of pounds, from the misery, oppression and brutality which the racist regime inflicts on South Africa's black majority.

companies have blood on their hands.

9900

ABOUT

directly off the backs of South Africa's black

workers. They employ more than 350,000 people

and they own about f5bn worth of investments.

We list some of them below.

African

one-fifth of what white workers do. To put this

another way: these firms pay, per month, £3-400

less to their black workers than they would pay if

apartheid did not exist. That means each black

worker boosts their profits by anything

£5000 per year.

household names. Next time you buy chocolate

from Cadbury's or Rowntrees,

Schweppes, or food from Reckitt and Colmans, a

razor blade from Wilkinson Sword, car parts from

Lucas or Chloride, or any other of the host of

household products sold here by champions

world freedom and democracy

list.

Company

Barclays

Standard Chartered

Lonrho

BTR (includes Dunlop)

Courtaulds

Unilever (includes Brooke Bond)

General Electric Company

Shell

British Oxygen

British Petroleum

British-American Tobacco

Great Universal Stores

British Insulated Cables

Babcock

Guest, Keen and Nettlefold

Rowntree Mackintosh

Blue Circle Industries

Grand Metropolitan

Burmah Oil

Wilkinson Sword

Reckitt and Colman

Chubb and Son

Thorn EMI

Plessey

George Wimpey

•Beecham Groun

Hawker Siddeley

Legal and General Group

Source: Labour Research Coats Patons

Rank Xerox

Chloride Group

Lucal Industries.

Tarmac

Johnson Matthey

Midland Bank

Prudential Assurance.

Norwich Union

Smiths Industries

Play dead,

The reason Maggie Thatcher opposes

It has ALAN FREEMAN looks at how British

OlL

RO

1200 British firms make their money

Their profits are understandably enormous.

up to

These firms are among Britain's best-known

For drinks from

of - remember this

Number employed in South Africa

21,716 10,482 7,690 7,633 7,317 6,854 5,637 5,433 4,878 430]

2,669 2,594 ,478 ,442

1.972

1,837 ,063

Shell implements apartheid. Said their public relations officer: 'When we find

are capable of looking after and THE TORIES have refused to take action against apartheid from the word go.

On 26 July Britain abstained on the United NaLONS believ Counci resolution calling for mandatory salliulis. When Common Market ministers passed a motion caling or an ena to ine state of emergency foreign

Geoffrey Howe reportedly had the word "immediately'

removed Even the USA called for the state of emergency to be lifted.

The reason isn't hard to find. Britain has about £12bn invested South Alrica direct live uncil

EUROPEAN

RESTAURANT

TOILETS

How British

bosses profit

from apartheid

British firms with subsidiaries in South Africa -and the other half consists

indirect investment, which means that British firms have ninorit! inLCICALS IN South Africar firms.

This amounts to nearly 40 per cent of all foreign investment South Africa.

South Africa relies heavily on British banks for loans It has a total debt of nearly $23 billion of which $13.6 billion due within twelve months. Nearly a quarter of this has been lent by British banks.

The reason for their presence is bluntly explained by the UK South Africa

Association:

HELL

keeping their present toilets clean, the new luxury restrooms will be made

'British investment

South Africa is more pro-

fitable than most other

areas of British overseas

investment.

makes nonsense

of the claim that business

contacts with South Africa

will move it in the direc-

tion of reform It makes

nonsense, also,

Reagan's assertion that

tree enterensi

democratising, liberalising

Private

prise is up to its neck in

apartheid because it can make more money there

than anywhere else in the world.

That is why Thatcher won't back sanctions, and

that is why we, the labour

movemell, must impose them.

Socialist Action 1 November 1985 on to their apartheid profits.

USA regarding treatment of multinationals.

These firms have therefore taken many steps

conceal what , thev and prevent outside bodies finding out how they collaborate with apartheid.

The most blatant and well-publicised are straight sanctions-busting operations. One of these came to light when anti-apartheid activists and Southampton dockers unearthed a container en route for Durban containing milling machine for repairing and servicing military aircratt. It came from the Berox Machine Tool Company who sold it to Atlas Aircraft Corporation, a subsidiary the South African Armaments Cor poration. and breached the United Nations arms

The South African middlemen who arranged the deal wrote to Berox on 10 January to say 'We request that nowhere in your company reterence lists. nor in any future correspondence, our customer's name to be mentioned.

lot of straight il legal trading of this type

But goes deception on a far wider scale is practiced in order

the benefits apartheid from subsidiary

which the 1n

British and American companies have a major - often controlling - - interest, but which are registered South African rather than toreign companies. The collaboration. bet-

imperialism and wee South Africa is encouraged by South Africa's own capitalists, who are depen dent on foreign capital and technology and have maintain tight links abroad to get the money and know-how they need.

For example, the giant mining monopoly Anglo American, which dominates 40 per cent of all mining and has a stake in thousands of other enterprises in South Africa, very name suggests, as an alliance between local proaucers and British and American banking capital. The Oppenheimers who ran and still run Anglo were able to defeat their rivals because they had access to the financial resources of bankers such as America's J.P. Morgan, the Rothschilds,

3

How they cover up

THATCHER'S OPEN refusal to take action against apartheid is only one of the ways British bosses cling

Firms with a stake in apartheid are fully aware that their profits are threatened by the prospect of sanctions and by measures that already exist to try and regulate their functioning. These include codes of practice which are applied by the EEC and the

black workers by

and their British counterparts and assoclates. The

collaboration has lasted to this day.

The consequence is that and s in terests can rake in the pro

La Darlick. without declaring what they do. rOI example, Consolidated Gold Fields, the second largest mining corporation South

Africa, claims is 'does not employ anyone in South

Africa!' This is absurd. It was set up in South Africa

It owns, for example, a 4 Pields cent stake Gold

of SA which employs 84,312 people in South Africa!

In the USA, multina tionals have admitted to : total of only 22,000 black workers. These are the only people to whom the pro tective codes of conduct apply. Yet total US invest ment adds up to billions of aollars, directly directly profiting from hundreds of thousands of black people.

Many companies claim they are dives i their - gervestments but, like Barclays bank, simply hive off South African SUD sidiaries in which they re tain a controling interes

Some of the better known indirect exploiters of apartheid are:

• ICI, set up in the 1930s to bring together Britain's chemical producers association with the grow.

South African plosives industry: It holds a 38 per cent share in the South African explosives and chemicals firm AECI, with 26,800 employees • Metal Box, with a 25 per cent holding in Meta Box SA, employing 11,000 in South Africa. • Pilkington Brothers, with a 48 per cent stake in Glass SA, employing 8016 workers. • Rio Tinto Zinc, with holdings in some of the world's most notorious dictatorships, has a 29 per cent stake Pallabor: Mining, with 393

and many other mining connections in Southern Africa.

This is why the codes of conduct, which apply only multinationals with a direct stake in a South African enterprise, have failed to change apartheid. It shows why all links must be broken.

Page 4 scan of this page

Defending Broadwater Farm

4 Socialist Action HARINGEY council leader Bernie Grant has come under enormous pressure for his trenchant defence of Tottenham's black youth, including from sections of the labour movement.

VARENDRA MAKANJI explained to Socialist Action what's going on in Tottenham after the uprising and why the labour movement must support black youth. youth whom the Haringey council is fighting for.

THE exact SCCUC LC of events on Broadwater

On impullaul Saturday October, voung black man, Floyd Jarrett, was stopped by the tunice.

They said, inere was something wrong with his car, and he was taken into the Tottenham police station. He is a very. well-

member of the AlUWIl Broadwater : Farm youth association, and like many other active members of the association has had a continuous running battle with the local police.

Later that alternoon, a key from his possessions was taken and despite the fact that he didn't live

The following selection of books on South Africa is available by post from Other Books:

South Africa: white rule, black revolt Ernerst Harsch, Monad, 352pp, £6.25 plus 69p buslazt Class and Colour in South Africa 1850-1950,

Aid Fund, 702pp, £5.00 plus £1.33 postage. Power: black workers, their unions and the struggle for freedom in South Africa,

€4.95 plus 46p postage.

To honour women's day: profiles of leading women in the South African and Namibian liberation struggles. :DAF, 56pp.

Velson Mandela: 1 am prepared to die, :DAF. 18pp. 50p alus iSE postage.

Nelson Mandela: The struggle is my life.

1 November 1985 Fellow councillor

Narendra also makes the point that it is all

with his mother and the oi nis tamily police got into their house and ransacked it, using the key. During the process of whilst they scalcil. were looking for stolen goods, Mrs Jarrett collapsed and died.

That incident sent shock waves right through the conitullt y Tottenham, particularly . on the estate. Mrs Jarrett was also well-known and had been active on tne estate, and was very popular. The police didn'i any stolen property.

Everything has been far as that is clearedas concerned. But in the process Mrs Jarrett had died

Other Books

Jack and Ray Simons, Intenational Defence and

Macshane, Plaut and Ward, Spokesman, 195 pp.

€1.00 pius 22p postage.

. =::3

That was just a week after the shooting of Mrs Groce in Brixton. We knew that things could get out of hand very quickly. So an urgent meeting was set the chief executive of Haringey with councillors, CRC representatives, and the Jarrett family at noon on the Sunday with the police, to see wiat Ley WeC Cuz toul about this.

We got a blank wall: it would be a police complaints enquiry and nothing else.

There was a demonSTaLOR by Jarrett family in the afternoon, outside Tottenham police station, which passed off peacefully. were there for about an hour. I

there myself and saw was that.

During this time there were varous meelngs going on to try and work out how we defuse the situa tion because, as you can imagine, there W a. considerable anger. The leader of the council had already pledged a council public enquiry should the government not hold one, in an effort to try and calm the situation down.

it did not help when, at anoll 6.30 LIC evening, the young people

the who had colalc decided to have another 'demonstration outside the police station, were block-

about 6-700 police. I refuse to accepl

those police assembled five minutes because of the decision to hold a demonstration. That's when the fighting began.

Since then that estate 1730 peen occupled by

about 600 police who have

been conducting door-to-

door enquiries Young

people 12, 13, 14 year

olds — e ec ccc

They have been taken in and kept for 50 or 60 hours

without access by parents,

Be= rEra-

EICHE

any time. It's really as serious as that.

Bernie Grant, as the first black leader of council, refused to put a difference between himself and the COUHELC Sh e was seeking to represent. Seeming v. this was unacceptable to the gutter press who then branded him as all sorts of evil things and tried to destroy his credibility, enforcing this distance between him and the community he represents.

Anybody who knows Bernie Grant, and knows his record over the last several years, knows part that he's played in actually representing and reflecting local people anc their opinions.

The labour movement as a whole needs to understand the deen allenation that exists between large sections of our community and the rest of the community including the labour movement. They do not see any solutions emerging from within the labour movement. That is Thav ee have to adresion very. serious

We have to ensure that we start reflecting those opinions, that we do start attacking the Tory policie: in a way that builds hope

Lre 1. one thing aat who al C alienated. we must not do is put any further distance hetweer

the Labour Party and labour movement

and the people who are at the fringes of society.

What tace is serious thạt mere ritual condenmauon lut cullz to get us anywhere We

understand the reasons for that violence, whether it originates from police insensitivity or public disorder. Condem nine in e css Isil going to make it go away.

The council now has a three-fold objective. In the very short term we want Tottenham and the Broadwater Farm estate return That

normal policing ¡licals and normal services being available

In the medium term we want to establish the truth about the death of Mrs Jarrett and of PC Blakelock. . There are many THOUTS aouu we need an independent public enquiry. Anything less that that will not be trusted by many people

in tne longer telll we shall be seeking to put together HOTC ICSUUI COS for housing and employment in that area we shall be campaigning for that

the european

INLOUCI through European Community, through the GLC and through anywhere else we can get those resources

But of course, until we get rid of the an present government its policies we're going to be swimming against the tide.

THE STANDING Conference of Afro-Caribbean Councillors has issued statement in solidarity with Bernie Grant, leader of Haringey council, against the attacks launched on him.

It condemned the attacks on the black communies in Toxteth, Brix-

Handsworth, recknam and lottenham.

The statement demanded: 'An immediate Public Inquiry into the incidents surrounding the death of Cynthia Jarrett.'

BLACK councillors condemn the attack on the black communities in Toxteth, Brixton, Handsworth. Peckham and Tottenham.

This is seen as a clear attack on the black community who are already suffering gross deprivation, high unemployment, bad housing conditions, race attacks and youth Government ministers have begun to criminalise the black community by

provocative statement made Douglas Fairbairn referring to the West Indians 'lazy and ought to be sent back home', and Enoch Powell's SAlp them home' speeches, and Black anger explodes on Broadwater Farm

News

Black councillors

back Bernie Grant

Douglas Hurd's recent comments 'arch priests of race confliets does noling bul credu further alienation and unresi in the community.

are the true outside agitators and infiltrators understanding of the ap. palling conditions and racial harassment that is faced by the black community.

Black councillors are in the forefront of the struggle to improve the living conditions of black people country. They are the only voice of representation for black community.

These attacks on Bernie Grant are carefully orchestrated with a view to işolating black leader. ship in our community and headed by the government and sustain. ed by the media with the purpose of dividing the disadvantaged in society as a wiole

Bernie Grant's statements reflect views of the unheard

of youth in VOICE country. His stance

taken in the wake of disturbances around the country are whole. heartedly endorsed by the members of the SCA CAC i tor che dolences si out to the families those who lost their lives during the recent disturbances in Tottenham.

ANAN TIME

Dhabi ASIAN TIMES

Page 5 scan of this page

Surplus Value

A CLASSICAL piece of 'doabte think' has come to dominate the columns of journali tile and New Labour Party conference. consists in applauding Veil Kinnock's efforts to unite the Labour Party by attacking the people who have led or are presently leading struggles against the

such as the NUM leadership, Liverpool city council or black people. Yet anyone who tries to organise support for these people and the bitter struggles they are engaged in - like Campaign group of MPs — is denounced as "authoritarian', and divisive.

We print below extracts from a speech by ERIC HEFFER, a member of the Campaign group of MPs and the Labour Party NEC, which puts an alternative view of the purposes of Labour Party unity and how it secured. For airing his views Eric Heffer has, it goes without saying, come in for the now habitual attacks from a Fleet Street press that is. increasingly being shalled to help to impose Kinnock monolithism within Party.

AT A CONFERENCE held in the Memorial Hall, Fartingdon London, on Tuesday 27 February 1900. nell hardie. socialist

moved: "That the conference was in favour of establishing a distinct Lavour grow in parlament, should have their own whip and argue upon their policy.' The proposal was pal ana carneu leni con

The Labour Party was therefore formed as a parliamentary party, supported in the country by the ILP, the Fabian Society, the Democratic Party (Marxist character) and those trade unions who decided to affiliate to the new party. At that stage the Cooperative movement did not join, although the Cooperative Party affiliated later.

The Labour Party, from its inception, was based on working class movement. It, therefore, found that the affiliated trade unions were both DOSILVO negative. They gave the Party its class basis, and mass membership, whilst some unions were progressive and quite revolutionary in outlook, they also acted as a brake on the party, at times holding it back, because or une cnaracier and nature of the unions, which had economic objectives, i.e. get more members. rather than going all oul for fundamental transformation society.

It was and continues to be a broad church. Various newspapers who supDOLL the Party like Labour Herald, Labour Militant, Organiser, London Briefing, Labour Leader etc compete with each other for the ear of the membership.

Over the years there has always been within the party a right, left and centre — people often moving from one position to another. also has seen many groups within it. The ILP was a party within the party until in the 1930s it decided to disaffiliate. The Socialist League was set up in the late 1930s, and was disbanded and some of its leaders like Nye Bevan and Mir Stafford Cripps expelled from membership. After the 1931 debacle, the party moved relatively

since the

This

Thatcher

can be

mar-

the Labour

After World

Street,

later une moune wroup. and has, therefore, kaleidoscope,

water-sheds, another aftect

gressive reformist

Social British politics, politics, for almost three

with the Heath

got

organisea

of the leader for their

of stitutional changes.

changes. The party

Tribune, lateral nuclear

Weekly,

Socialist The party

leftwards, but never accepted a full-blooded left-wing socialist position.

War Il, the party LOTOS. again saw a number or groups arise such as Keep Left, the Bevanites, and

The party been sort of moving and shifting, but basically being part of a whole

Labour governments are usually

which in one way or policy. organisation and future development. Ine 1940->- government was a pro

government. It created the welfare state and affected ycals,

including Tory decades. centrist returns goverlineals werc the accepted norm, and it was only

government, that some of the basic reformist concepts

overturned, certainly in relation

saw the 1971 Industrial Relations Act.

The 1979 Thatcher government, and the relative failure of the 1974-79 labour government changed all that. The Tories under Mrs Thatcher moved away from the middle-ground, accepting a 'radical right' emphasis, being opposed to 'creeping socialism'.

Within the Labour Party, because of arguments about what should be in the election manifesto, plus the role

in drawing up the manifesto, and the dissatisfaction of party members with some of the MPs, a campaign gor under way lor con-

There were also important policy

accepted unidisarmament and remove nuclear bases and weapons from and

'The Labour Party... must not accept the myth that the class struggle is dead'

The future of

the Labour Party

around British shores. The party urg ed the abolition of the House of

settling manifesto, remove its powers concerning legislation. It said it would get Britain out of the EEC. It called for more public ownership, with greater planning on the nation's resources.

to the left and to a more socialist position.

somelling which many on the right of the party could not accept. They opposed both the constitutiona! changes and the policy changes, and unlike the majority of the left over the

who had accepted a minority position, they refused to do that, and

modern Democratic Party.

This split before the last 1983 general election undoubtedly had its effect. It caused confusion, and after the SDP had formed an alliance with the Liberals it meant that

voters away from Labour

I do not believe that the party los

even though it was not properly ex plained in areas such as defence.

some areas loss votes. regard to the electorate, the working. class has not really shrunk, but it is clearly in certain ways different.

Labour's task, therefore, is not to turn its back porters, but to properly analyse where the changes have taken place and go out to get their support. It must, to: example, pay much more attention to the ethnic groups in society, especiall! the black workers. That means, in my

view, that eventually the party will have to agree with separate affiliated group which will cater for the special needs of those groups I socicly.

day as it was in the past. That does not in real mean being tied down to bureaucratic

nationalisation, but it does mean that we cannot make it a genuinely democratic society unless the ownership of the means or producuon, change is taken out of the hands of private owners.

European type society, there must be many forms of public ownership Social Slalc. local, cooperative,

firms etc -

with both consumer and workers' interests involved

control of the party is left with the nasome

tional executive of the party, who are responsible to the party conferenc nd not allow it to be transformed t the parliamentary

But

we must have, not the ce of dia

dividual, whoeve With might be.

membership must policy must be allowed to determine wha should or should not be in the party' sup election manifesto.

La broad church. Groups, even highly organised ones, bu the constitution, must be allowe to exist. We should not go back to the days of proscribed lists,

S.cstr

expelled left, argument,

some sort

made Public ownership is as essential to- unrealistic.

The

transform society, and

distribution and ex-

To avoid an East

individual not allow 1l all of which must have slavishly

The party must also ensure that

eventually

with the fort to

individua

i must obe in the ri

making, and no one persor

socialist building, The party must also continue to br

, as long as they abide personal

with people table.

5

The party must not turn in ou itself. It must not look for scapegoats because of image-building. It must not turn against : councillors whose only crime is to fight Tory policy, as George Lansbury and his colleagues did in the 1920s.

The Labour Party certainly must take note of the new developments in the class structure of Britain. , but in doing so, it must not accept the myth that the class struggle is dead.

• The party continues to have a number of groups and tendencies within it. In parliament there is the Campaign group (the so-called hard

so named by the press), the Tribune group (a mixture of some left and centre MPs) and the Solidarity group, a party right wing group, who in a sense are the heirs of the 'Gang of Four' who with the help of the media created the SDP

As long as the contradiction exists in the type of socialism Labour stands for, and the way it will be achieved, with class politics at the centre of the

there will always be different groups and attitudes This is not a bad thing, something which has to be accepted, and exhortations to a phoney type of unity, as used to be

the Bevanite days,

immediate perspective for Labour is to win the next general elec. tion. Every group and section in the party agrees with that. The feeling for party unity is rightly very strong. This has led some in the party, especially : amongst the right wing (but not confined to them) to argue that argument and dialogue over policy matters should cease. But that cannot happen. The nature of the party wil

The Labour Party was not created for anv individua and when it rathe

followed Ramsay MacDonald, it got into real difficulties. The party was created to carry out the task of building a just society, of eection of Labor socialism The

governments are only a step in that direction. Labour believes that one must make every efdemocratic parliamentary means, but a socialist Britain at the same time, if the need arose t fight to keep democracy (if it were forces attackuld resort to detentio anti-democratic force to keep it.

If therefore, the party has such a

perspective, then image conformity, disciplinarianism, are unlikely to be

membership. Voluntary quietism for a period.

are acceptable but to try to foist authoritarian con

party, not a centralist party, like the Bolsheviks or Stalinist parties of the recent past were

I believe a Labour government. even a miserable reformist one, is better than a Tory government, but i cannot be an end in itself. • Labour governments must have clear objec tives, and they must go out to create and build the type of society that Keir Hardie and his colleagues worked for That is still our task, and therefore, to do it, we need a socialist campaignins party, not just a campaigning party but one which really is determined t change society, not merely reform it

Page 6 scan of this page

6 Socialist Action 1 November 1985 THE BLACK population of South Africa is not merely the majority numerically. It is today the decisive section of the population in terms of production and the economy.

That black working class in turn is becoming more and more organised. While 15 per workforce are members of trade unions by 1983 nearly 900,000 black workers -545,000 and 343,000 oureds and asians - were unionised.

Unions

The main black union federations are engaged in unity talks which, if successful, would powerful organisation of black workers ever seen in South African history, and the organisation on the African continent. 11USL important trade

But rapidly organising black working class, black population, faces political conditions which seem amost to belong lo the European middle ages — although

fact they were produced by modern development of South African capitalism itself. This political structure in turn reacts back on and crushes every social relation in the South state - not simply those of the black industrial working class but black agricultural workers, of the impoverished peasants on the bantustans, the black service workers, the black petty-bourgeoisie and every black society. That apartheid state is becoming less and less viable.

Society

The fact that the whole of South

African society and politics is in crisis

- that white big business is demanding

at least some changes in apartheid for

IS own purposes. that

organisation of black workers is taking

place, that not simply the black work-

ing class but ever widening layers of the

entire black population

thrown into violent conflict with the

apartheid state — has caused enormous

confusion on the British lett.

In order to see the way through the and to settle the detailed

confusion,

and crucial tactical questions of the at-

tradiction

utterly reactionary

relation in South Africa.

From certail development Africa's economy. 1982 42

so on.

fion is in industry -

cent of South Africa's exports.

sector.

is cone facing the apartheid state.

There bourgevisic manufacturing

dous poverty among the compulsorily confined to tustans.

Class alliances

organisations Democratic Front,

the South cent of the

ticular.

col- being a danger in themselves

impossible.

has been the most

union

growing and

and rule in the old way.' Cosmetic

African

of the

South Atrican economy

sector of

Wing into deeper crisis. for revolution.

Trotsky,

are being

LUIL

social crisis to

besides

South Africa's

economy

THE CHIEF specific feature of South Africa, the one leading to its explosive crisis today, is the con-

between the rapid development of its economy and its

political structure based on the apartheid state. That political structure in turn not only inhumanly oppresses and exploits the black working class but distorts and mangles every social

teatures of its and structure South relatively advanced

of South Africa's output was accounted for by Inaustry - Inal is mining, manulacturing, gas and electricity production and

Twenty seven per cent of South Africa's economically active popula- what

only slightly less than the thirty three per cent in Britain. a Mining products account for 55 per

The in¿ability of South Africa to build an infernationally competitive manufactur-

which leaves its economy

most totally dependent on fluctuaTons in its revenue from gold exports

of the primary contradictions

Blacks comprise 80 per cent of the workers in mining and manufacturing.

significant black either mining

In the agricultural sector tremen-

and oppression exists African rural population the ban-

titude to the black trade unions, to

such the United the African National Congress, the National Forum, and other issues it is necessary to go back to the fundamental class alliances involved in a revolution in general and

African revolution in par- black

Firstly, far from a crisis in the white ruling class, and proposals for reform, them a revolutionary struggle to overthrow apartheid would be completely

In his Left Wing Communism: An Infantile Disorder Lenin outlined 'The fundamental law of revolution, which

confirmed by all revolutions...is as follows: for a revolution to take place it is not enough for the exploited and oppressed masses to realise the impossibility of living in the old way and demand changes: for a revolution to take place it is essential that the exploiters should not be able to live and

It is therefore fundamental that the

apartheid regime is manifestly unable to go on in exactly the old way. The

continued efforts at cosmetic reform by

Botha, the deep contradictions in the

, the demands

for change in aspects of apartheid by big business, all testify that the whole

of South African society and politics -including ruling class politics — is mov-

The second striking feature of the

situation, the mobilisation not simply

of the black working class but of vir-

tually every strata of the black popula-

tion against apartheid, is also not a pro-

blem of the involvement of the 'middle

classes' but an indispensible condition

following Lenin, noted

that not even a crisis of the ruling class,

and a refusal of the masses to go on in

the old way, constituted by itself a suf-

ficient condition for successful revolu-

'As Trotsky wrote in The Turn in

the Communist International: 'For the

bring about the pro-

letarian revolution, it is necessary that,

other conditions, decisive

shift of the petty-bourgeois class occur

But the core of South African agriculture is a rich and prosperous capitalist farming sector entirely owned by whites. In this sector blacks are confined solely to hired labour who are denied any rights of trade unionism

On the land therefore the black population is divided into a completel impoverished peasantry on the Ban tustans and a black rural proletariat working in the white capitalists agriculture. significant agricultural bourgeoisie exists at all.

The service sector of the economy in South Africa is divided almost completely into two. One part provides the most minimal and primitive services for the black labour force. The service sector for the whites in contrast is up to the highest European and North American standards.

In the service sector is concentrated

small black bourgeoisie exists But it is in reality tiny. Owners of

small businesses, sionals', even black puppets flunkies of the apartheid state, simply do not compete, or compare, with the giant white monopolies from Anglo-American downwards.

What in reality exists as a social class is really a black petty-bourgeoisie

- a 'middle' class in the most literal sense. In no sector of the economy, not even in the homelands, is there any really major black capitalist class.

The great bulk of the black population in the service sector are of course proletarians wage earners. work in the transport system, in the mail system, in health, in eduation, in the state apparatus. There is also a significant layer of black 'domestic servants'.

in the direction of the proletariat. This will give the proletariat a chance to place itself at the head of the nation as

As Trotsky wrote: "To approach the peasants and the petty bourgeoisie of the cities, to draw them to our side, is the necessary condition for... the conquest of power.'

The black toilers of South Africa -the industrial and service workers, the

rural proletarians, the poverished peasants of the bantustans

- must weld around themselves every oppressed layer of black society South Africa.

The middle bourgeoisie swinging

behind big capital is the typical formula

military dictatorship etc.

The middle classes/petty

swinging. decisively leftwards behind the working class is on the contrary,

Trotsky pointed out, one

necessary conditions for successful proletarian revolution.

The revolutionary struggle against

apartheid struggle bourgeoisie. If there were a significant black bourgeoisie in South Africa, and

to the degree that a black bourgeoisie exists, there has to be a relentless struggle against it against the inevitable

attempts such a cass makes,

make, to compromise with the apar-

theid state.

But the petty bourgeoisie

whether the peasants or the urban petty

bourgeoisie — is a completely different

matter to the monopolists

capitalists. Far from expropriating the

petty bourgeoisie, either in the town or

the countryside, the working

guarantees the property of the

bourgeoisie even in a workers state.

The most familiar example of this is

the guarantee given by socialist

peasants 'the petty bourgeoisie of

the village' as Trotsky reminded us

against forced expropriation and col-

lectivisation. But the principle is exactly

the same with the petty bourgeoise of

the town as well.

A bloc of the black working class

and black rural and urban

bourgeoisie, under the leadership of the

working class a bloc against the

(massively white) bourgeoisie - that is

the force that must overthrow apar-

theid in South Africa. Comprising the

vast majority of the population

South Africa it also has the power to

smash apartheid to pieces.

black

'profes

and They im-

THE WEIGHT classes/petty rightwards

is overwhelming.

bourgeoise

as

of the

against the

democratic right

would oleces the

towards revolution today.

and big They will also continue to

class will grow out petty struggle tor democracy

passing that struggle.

grammes of revolutionary

ward in South Africa -

attitude to the various petty fighting against apartheid.

The Freedom

of. be ine

Democratic tasks

of democratic demands, and democratic tasks, in the struggle today in South Africa

full

To establish a one person one vote constitution in a unitary state, to end the situation where the white minority gramme holds 87 per cent of the land and instead transfer it to the black population; to forge indissolubly the South African nation against the attempts of Charter the white supremacists and their puppets to shatter that nation into purely racial and tribal groups; to establish the gle.

of the black South African working class to organise itself throughout the economy; to end the inhuman barbarity of apartheid's super South exploitation of black workers; to smash segregation: these are the decisive im- sysleili of residential mediate tasks propelling the great mass of South Africa's black population

do so given the nature of the apartheid state The socialist revolution in South Atnca

of the revolutionary against the apartheid state, and not develop by by- the

This reality also determines the attitude of Marxists to the various pro-

class. and revolutionary nationalism put for-

- most famously the Freedom Charter supported by the ANC. It determines also the practical Charter.

: organisations famous

Charter and any similar document of the type of which it is easily the most important is not a socialist programme — and nor could it

• programme. or a revolu tionary marxist organisation, in South Africa. Such a programme would go

beyond the revolutionary nation and revolutionary democratic dem of the Freedom Charter to take up

tasks of socialist revolutior South Africa.

But a revolutionary socialist

for South Africa definitely includes, and centrally, e single one of the crucial democratic nationalist demands of the Free

- and in South Africa democratic and nationalist dem can only be won by revolutionary st Socialist

Socialist revolution in a country Sonary nationalise and revolutes Africa Devolle democratic demands. But it does n the slightest negate them. The soci revolution in country like Africa will centrally develop on the rain of the revolutionary struggk democratic and national demands

For revolutio socialists proclaim that they favou plementing every demand Freedom Charter — and as we sha

revolutionary nationalist revolutionary democratic demand the Freedom Charter can only be power into the hands of the wor niemenicu by transferring pol

For exactly that reason the re tionary nationalist and revolutic democratic demands of the Fres

which is by far the democratic programm South Africa, are a genuine, vital central part of the programme revolutionary Marxist organisati South Africa.

The central demands of Freedom Charter those thorough going bourgeois demo revolution in South Africa. An

Page 7 scan of this page

struggle for socialism in South Africa, as earlier in this century in Russia, will grow out of the struggle for a bourgeois democratic revolution, and not develop by skipping over it. secialists drive through to the utmost the revolutionary nationalist ademocratic demands of the Freedom Charter.

Russia the Bolsheviks

olemented not only the demands they advanced but also implemented totally and completely the agrarian, . programme of the Revolutionaries every Communist Party 'in the world took over an agrarian programme based on the experience of implementing the programme of the Social Revolutionaries in Russia.

Revolutionary Marxists quite openly, and genuinely, state that they would implement, and favour completely implementing every COnId Freedom Charter on that basıs ley will also go beyona lt to a socialist revolution in Africa.

Forming a united front on the basis fo the demands such as those of the Freedom Charter, that is fighting for demands of revolutionary nationalism and revolutionary democracy, is counterposed to, but is a fundamental part. of, revolutionary strategy, country facing the objective tasks today in South Africa.

Democracy

In this fight for democracy Marxist: seek unity in action with the revolutionary nationalist organisations South Africa such as the ANC.

Posing the weight of the democratic tasks in South Africa however also poses the question of what type of śtate, what state power, through these democratic tasks. answer that question necessary to pose coldly and soberly the full scale of the tasks that would have to

carnied through to destroy apartheid.

IT IS pirsatilé

OI MElretinuti"

the intel and

suth ardirzi way

resolution.

tion as developed by

itself.

Africa. 4 and wilk necessar. ressfut conclusion this democ: ing cla

Not the working

20 -c-zir 5. — ..S

the working class. o s{el l} ul ıssed black) working

struggle in South Africa.

Land

majority,

MECAOS expropriating

land to the black population. As there Revolutionary

farmers in transformation

and

( im. necessity, democratic

Social in fact after 1917

Act totally

No GenOC au

jority.

and fight for this. pieces aolle.

democratic means forcibly expropriating South

and ending never seen in history.

Factories

not

other sphere of social life. Take the in workers transport and other

the most

Call cally

To simply

system

the white

Permanent

revolution

on the basis of a number of iteuretical positions to haré agrement on the concrete line

for ihe South African Howerer Socialist Acton ae 22s dilear view on what is

most the retna iramework for undersandioz the events unfolding in

Africa. and pointing. the forward. This teoretical framework is provided by Trotsky's theory of permanent

The siraggle in South Africa, the revalurion dereloping in that state, illusirates with great clarity the correctness of the theory of permanent revolu-

Trotsky.

This is not a matter of theory in books but of understanding the material reality of the class struggle in South Africa

Theyavds of the struggle in South

for democratic demands continue to be so. The force to carry through to a sucstruggle for täs a bloc of the black work-

*Social

the town and the countryside, dind the black rural and urban petty bourgeoisie under the leadership

class. This struggle agains apartheid must be carried on

:: 27: irocg imara: :e dianior in South Airica blaii staie power must pass into the hands of

Without state power class the democratic revolution itself will be aborted. To understand why it is simply necessary to look at the material reality of the class

To transfer the land to the black

to end the situation where less than 18 per cent of the population who are white own 87 per cent of the land can only be achieved in one way. It setties

the white capitalist farmers and transferring their tion.

black capitalist South Africa such means. the esssential elimination of an entire social class. The white capitalist farmers will,

literally fight to the death against this: But without such an expropriation there can be no democratic solution of the land question in South Africake housing. The Group Areas

segregates housing creating separate slum black cities and towns in most cases and reserving all decent housing for whites in every case.

transformation South Africa can accept this segregation and oppression of the black ma-

To smash this aspect of apartheid to

through the cally revolution housing, whites. tion segregation, scale

The whites, once more, will fight to the death to maintain their privileges. Yet to accept that segregation, whether in law or simply in fact, would be to fail to carry through the democratic revolution in South Africa. Exactly the same applies to education, health, and every

situation of the black the mines, factories, SUCLOS This is,

relative to the advanced character of

much of the South African economy,

deprived and shackled

workforce in the entire world. Even the

most elementary democratic transfor-

mation in conditions - real effective

trade union gights, adequate health and

safety, abolition of the migrant labour

would by itself smash to

pieces the profitability and position of

monopoly tirms Similarly

smashing all remnants of tribalism and

ethnic divisions, and the reactionarie: who defend this, would involve a gigantic social upheaval.

Any NUT eC, sm mation in Sortt Aitia = Si. dian unleast. avoora: =2 z w --_*—'-' , sta an' Se taii arile nan s

populaiion agricultural workers, the inhabitants of

Bantustans, the black bourgeoisie and middle casse. black unemployed — would be thrown into a frontal confrontation with the entire social structure created by apartheid - which is of course exactly the dynamic of the struggle itself

It would be democratic reform, a little tinkering, but a literal revolution that would be necessary to smash apartheid to pieces

This finally not merely raises but

what type of state can carry through this vast democratic revolu-

The white capitalist farmers will not accept being expropriated peacefulsituation might be. - no matter what the constitutional

Their resistance must be crushed by force - or the certainty that if they resist they will be crushed by overwhelming armed force. Expropriate

To expropriate the white residential districts in order to desegregate them; to desegregate the schools; to smash the resistance of the white employers to even the minimal defence of conditions of life for the black workers; to crush tribalists such as Buthelesi and his Inkatha thugs, will take armed force -armed force concentrated in the hands of the organised black hasse prepared to crush the white racists and capitalists by any means necessary.

It is here that the final confronta-

with apartheid must Because finally apartheid does not rest on any laws at all. It rests on a white dictatorship draped in laws. Apartheid constitutes a state system of rule.

The core of apartheid's rule South African army, the police, and the rest of its armed forces. Linked to these

ANY KAFFIR TRESPASSING

_SHOT

BE

=:=Dz20

PETN MR CICI

ПnLTI:

TATTE I7P 1 IVE-ZAT AI DEDE DI T

TE II*: fend io ie deat ise sece prepa of the whites in South Aittes ster: petty- They would resist, gun in hand, ary the democratic, let transformation of South Africa. Smash

The only conditions under which the white supremacists would abandon Enel armed detence of South Africa would under which they knew they would lose because of the tional relation of forces. This is why the support given to Pretoria by Britain,

United States, and the other imperialist states Is SO courages the white racists to continue their frenzied armed defence of their privileges.

The sole means thorough going destruction theid, and democratic revolution, South Africa can be carried through, is by the destruction of the entire armed force on which the apartheid state rests. Without that the democratic transformation, the democratic revolution, in South Africa will be aborted.

Without smashing the armed core of the apartheid state the land will not be distributed to the blacks, the apartheid system in housing smashed to pieces, tribal and other divisions will not be crushed, the resistance of the white and demands of their black employees will not be ended. In short the democratic tasks of the revolution would not be carred through

come. State

Only by machine of apartheid, and transterring power into the hands of masses, could the destruction of aparin theid in South Africa be thoroughly carried through. Given the structure of the black population in South Africa this means that the national and democratic tasks of the revolution in South Africa can only be solved in a thorough going way by the transfer of political power into the hands of the black working class and its allies.

Slall, democratic and national demands. has already

will involve an axis around a revolutionary struggle for democracy an alliance with tionalists in that struggle. democratic tasks can only be carried through by transferring political power into the hands of the working class. .Zimbabwe tợ its north, the democratic revolution . wit De

TI AILE I

==a0 :22

alone socialist, Probiem

apartheid in be conditions ception

internal and interna

without power.

crimial. It en-

whereby any abal' will not be

employers to the just

culling cagc, black

with

smashing the state

the Dlacr The struggle in South Africa will Trotsky

started around

- anc achieving revolutionary na- emancipation But these

nation.

if that does not occur tnen. as wıln

aborted. Racist Africa.

Rastar REdAKOr Nane cnapier In

of Nationalities: 'Only the working class standing at the head of the nation can carry either a national o an agrarian revolution clear through.'

ЛА АНА Х in the same work: 'By "Trotskyism" was the meant that revolutionary con

according to which the bourgeois revolution in Russia would

be able to solve its problems placing the proletariat

Permanent revolution in regard to South Africa has nothing to do with the idiotic idea that the struggle in that country against apartheid has anything other than democratic demands as its

For with the idea that the working class must make the revolution 'alone', and without allying

. Ine omner strate of the black population - including the black rural and urban petty bourgeoisie.

For South Africa it means that the solution of the democratic tasks of the South African revolution, which are its axis of development, can only be solved through the dictatorship of the proletariat — a struggle for which unfolds precisely on the terrain of the struggle for democratic demands itself.

was classically formulated by follows in Permanent Revolution: 'the theory of permanent revolution signifies that the complete and genuine solution of the tasks of

democracy and national conceivable only through the dictatorship of the pro letariat as the leader of the oppressed

Rarely has such a view been so clearly vindicated as by the dynamic and necessities of the struggle in South

Page 8 scan of this page

Kanak victory in New Caledonia

IRELAND

UNFREE

Belfast comes to Tottenham

LAST WEEK Nora McCabe's husband Jim came from Belfast to visit Bernie Grant in Tottenham. Jim did not go to get Bernie to 'tone down' his remarks question his attitude to violence, or to find out why this black council leader resented the police. He understood that all very well.

Jim McCabe went to Tottenham to tell the story about the death of his wife Nora. He went to Tottenham to express the sympathy of the nationalist people for the victims of state violence in Britain. There was no sourness. It was not a question of saying: 'you sat back and allowed your army to use such methods of oppression against us, now it's happening to you.' More like a numbing realisation of what the future holds for the people of inner city Britain and a personal knowledge of the heartbreak and tragedy which will accompany it.

Kenneth Newman, head of the metropolitan police, talked to the press the day after the Tottenham riots. Surveying the labryinth of alleys and buildings he remarked: 'Of course it would take an army to completely control this.' During the riot, all the hardware of counter insurgency control developed in the available and on display. But the most important feature of the state's experience in Ireland might be missed - that political control of state violence must be used to achieve a given end.

By political control is not meant the control of politicians. Certainly not local polticians like Bernie Grant or community leaders. But neither the

quent stoning in Handsworth had him marked out as a bozo from the start. No, its was the political control of the state. Each new piece of hardware is bought 'for extreme emergencies', is trained with, and paraded around until the right moment occurs for its public launch.

The metropolitan police are estimated to have 15,000 of the 20,000 plastic bullets stockpiled in Britain but they are politically unable to use them at present. Jim McCabe explained to Bernie Grant what they are: More like wood than plastic Four inches long, the same size round as a child's arm ... they weigh about the same as a can of baked beans ... they are fired at 200mph.'

Nora McCabe wasn't involved although the police said she was. Only the coincidence of a Canadian TV crew filming in the area provided the evidence which showed the armoured car turning the corner on a street unlittered with the debris that the RUC claimed was being thrown at the time. They filmed the puff of smoke from a plastic bullet which killed Nora McCabe.

The plastic bullet is a weapon of random terror whose aim is to get people off the streets. It is a weapon that has legitimised the death sentence for youngsters who throw stones at the police. It is a weapon that is coming to Britain's inner cities.

Labour's policy is for a ban on the use, storage or manufacture of plastic bullets. opinion wrings its hands with the dilemma of how to create a repressive police presence with a human face, in the black areas, Labour and particularly those sections that have their own experience of state violence, must campaign for a complete ban.

IRELAND AFTER BRITAIN is a book of

interviews with some of the leading protagonists

in the debate about withdrawal. Jointly

published by Labour and Ireland with Pluto, it

looks at the latest developments in the

republican, feminist and labour movement in

Ireland and discusses a British response.

Send a cheque/PO made out to 'Labour and

Ireland' (book)

for £3.95 + 25p postage and packing to LCI,

BM Box 5355,

London WCIN 3XX.

to the media, to

seemed to De whose post-riot visit and subse-

in riot Whilst liberal

DO with LABOUR AND IRELAN

IRELAND

AFTER BRITAIN

EDITED BY MARTIN COLLINS

6.

THE KANAK independence party, the FLNKS, last month won three out of four regions in New Caledonian elections called by the French government. This result is a blow to the compromise proposed by French government envoy Edgard Pisani and a victory for the Kanak people. VINCENT KERMEL analyses the outcome. THE September regional elections were striking success for une FLNKS They won a majority of seats and votes in three of the four regions set rrencu minister Laurent Fabius. In the North they got 50.6 Loyalty Islands and 45.46 the in the Central Region

They won 28.75 per cent or all voles cast. further 6.75 per cent voted tor a secona autonomis organisation, the LKS. Since the Kanaks form 43 per cent of the present population of the ritory, it is cle ciht at

per Coul Melanesian people port independence and the FLNKS

This result reinforces the evidence of the 34.43 per cent vote which the independence front won in 1979, and the mobilisations of November 1984. It clearly poses an eventual referendum on Kanak self-determination. This vicLOV can only add to the Kanak people's aelermination and constitutes a great encouragement anti-colonial struggle.

_re sellers came out in favour of the right-wing Republican and fascist parties The National Front (the fascists) got 14 per cent south which includes the capital Noumea.

has stabilised which celestauce confront the independentists.

More than ever New Caledonia is thus divided

conomicaly politically, electorally and geographically. The 60.84

cent achieved by the DCI anti-independence parties are confined to white Noumea and a few white enclaves. The Kanaks have the majority except for the capital and vc Wilcie

immediate dings.

This is what helped the FLNKS to establish a certain anticolonial relation of forces, despite the numerical inferiority of the Melanesian population, by means of the elec-

ANTI-NATO forces in the Spanish state are organising. On

Şeptember national coalition called the

'statewide coordination of pacifist organisations' (CEOP), which

unites virtually all the

country's anti-nuciear

opposition decided to

launch an out-of-

NATO campaign.

The issue is at the cen-

tre Spanish politics

because the

government, which was

elected on a pledge to stay

out of NATO, is now cam

paigning to get Spain in. It

has pledged a referendum

which is likely to be held in

March.

Opposition to NATO

is widespread because the

regime is

total boycott of November 1984 and the school boycott which followed.

The polarisation has swept away all those forces who backed the 'compromise ward by Edgard Pisani and coon bal.

Ine French This is the case with the LKS, which only got one deputy elected ana lne OPA, who got none. It is

snub to Pisani wanted to construct a base

This policy independence-withinassociation by assons or the FUNKS and

LNKS and the Republican vote.

What rendered this Tone Sor was the na-

Kanak people and the

people scale of the conflicts, particularly in relation to unequal access to the land.

This removes the possibility, which Pisani had counted; that

of europeans could be won to vote for his project in a referendum.

We haven't had to wait long for the first political effects OTI results The metropolitan right changed LUNC towards the FLNKS and the leader ot the RPR, Bernard Pons, for FLNKS participation in regional councils, plained that: If they are

villing to play ball, then s are we' This demagogic appeal is only designed to gain time. The French government will now try to recuperate the electoral ground won by the independentists in order to launch neo-colonial plans. In the long term, the government has not lost hope that it can break up the unity of the Kanak people around the demand

indepenent socialist Kanaky. Many of the FLNK's action committees are aware of this danger and there is a long gap between Mitter rand's neo-colonial dreams and putting them into practice.

• This article is adapted from the French socialist paper, Rouge.

Spain: Anti-NATO forces organise

TOPL associated with American

popular

memory, and because the Spanish state has not yet

been in NATO.

CEOP building

campaign of demonstrations and protests, rock festivals and other events

of which the hich point Is

to be a mass march on Madrid.

It has tried to ensure

unity by setting up a panel

of spokespeople from the

various bodies supporting

These include both Communist Parties,

Workers Commissions (the CP and dominated trade union federation), several far left

and innumerable activist

anti-nuclear and pacifist

organisations

far the. Socialist

Party has not even entered

with CEOP,

USCUSSUIl

French troops confront Kanaks

European march

SOS-RACISME, the French anti-racist organisation, has called

Demonstration for 1 tober,

Decencher in will be foflowed by pop festival in Le Bourget, just outside Paris.

The 'third march for

TOUCHE

PAS

AMON

POTE

and the socialistdominated UGT trade

cold number of UGT leaders and a handful of socialist MPs were among 100 pro. minent personalities who recently signed an auver sponsored by the Movement for Peace, Disarmament and Liberty two weeks ago, insisting that the referendum be held.

It is not certain the referendum I will be held. Spain's right wing want to ride rough-shod over the Spanish people. Conservative leader Roca says a referendum would be unconstitutional! Still further to the right, some forces wedded to extreme reaction are unhappy about going into the Com mon Market, and about NATO, for isolationist

French anti-racists launch

equality it follows large anti-ragist marches in 1 and 1984 under way. On LUC

coptingents set out from fout European star ting points to conduct 'giant tour of Europe to equality' They plan to meet up in Paris for the final rally.

The first column will

SOS RACISME

This split on tactics is one of the reasons Gonzalez is fearful about losing a referendum.

move Is lo vist Germany's chancellor Kohl and, according to the Financial Times, 'seek to

This aid to persuade enlist Spain's conservative op-

Coalicion

Popular. 10 11%0 the socialist government in the

within VATO.' A fine ex- LaitiVali keep Spain ample of socialist interna-

tionalism!

International

march from Avigno through the Soutl of France, where Pen's fascists hope to become the largest party

The second will star "from Bordeaux and march through the south west, through Brittany and ther through the north to Paris.

Two further legs will set out from Stockholm and from Rome, aiming to traverse Europe's capitals before the main demonstration.

A second march has been called over the same period by 'France-Plus', an organisation based on France's Maghrebian (former French colonies population whict was formed around the demand for the right to vote for France's Arab migrants, of whom 1,400,000 are of voting age.

SOS-racisme has since its inception provided channel for a very broad anti-racist sentiment France Its spectacular success has been in promoting the slogan

'Touch mon pote (hands my friend), with badge sales totalling millions

But it has provoked a lot of friction, parțicularly

with young Arabs, by trying to dominate die control the movement has failed to recognise the

organisations STOC

which young Arabs have created, which are often

more militant and combative than the rest of the movement, since they are

in the front line of racist attacks.

However, the French

revolutionary newspaper

Rouge exec that:

"Though SOS-Racisme has

underestimated the place

And movemen the and

has committed errors, particularly by not providing any means for a joint appeal and for joint organisation of the march with other anti-racist

position of all, and for an understanding that unity multiplies forces and does not just add them together.'

nouge goes unlo sa. will regard

the division as the result of

nonca manocuvico all

there is a risk that they will

reject both initiatives.

calls for the widest possi

ble united effort at local

level to, ensure there is a

single, gigantic march in

Page 9 scan of this page

News:

Salvadorean trade

unionists tour pits

John Smith translates for Arturo Valencia and Alfredo Represa at a rally with Arthur Scargill and Dennis Skinner

SINCE THE beginning of the 1970s, the power workers union of El Salvador, STECEL, has played a leading role in the Salvadorean trade unions. Two exiled leaders of STECEL, Arturo Valencia and Alfredo Represa, recently toured the coalfields of South Yorkshire and the Midlands, meeting thousands of miners and their wives.

The tour covered Sheffield, Nottingham, Don-

Chesterfield, Rotherham, Mansfield, Barncaster, sley, Leicester, Wakefield and a number of pit Villages.

Highlights included a meeting commented that spirited meeting they not led with NUM the Ing

of nearly and ing

near The NUM

meeting NUM rally few

buto Highmoor

an wood near Rotherham with 250 union on, miners

shift hear the

jointly miners

the impact'

workforce. Branch vi- miners

Wive

Maurice Bishop remembered

THE Maurice Bishop the 1979 revolution and a Patriotic Movement leader of the MBPM in group in Britain Grenada.

Representatives from organised a seminar on 27 October to mark the sonedly Sweden, Denmark, murder of the Grena- Germany, Austria

France. dian prime minister two and Holland came to the year ago. sential to discuss coor-

dinated activity across Bishop's death ushered Europe. in the US invasion troops An appeal was made to the Caribbean island of for the British labour Grenada. to raise funds

Speakers at the Ос- to aid the Maurice Bishop To De meelllig included Grenada Gus John of the Race To- and the newspaper Indies day collective and labour Times, produced with The main speaker ver. scanty technical facities

main speaker was and under harassment Kendrick Radix a minister from the US-backed ad-

the People's Revolu- ministration. tionary Government after An urgent appeal was

Salvadoreans and the guest from the South African Congress of Trade Unions. Al lne ena or trie evening. Notts WAPC donated f400, to be divided between SACTU and LICi Salvadoreans' trade union federation,

notable sucLOUL 150

visit to

are strike

and

Party

Peter members and ex-

velled to the Power station vault ed to members

issued for messages to be sent to Grenada protesting against a decision to extradite imorisoned trade union leader Chester Humphrey to the United States, no face charges he

al ills revolution in 1979.

• For information about the (UK) and copies v their newsletter write to: • 48 Broad Lawn, London SE9 3XD.

• Send telegrams demanding the release of Chester Humphrey and no extradition to: heroert Blaize,

Prime Minister's Office,

George's. Grenada,

West Indies.

alu l Salvador.

Dirty Leicester

Arturo

their Salvador, working

Unity

need for

sure that

realise

They

Britain; it

role LOUs Maurice Bishop

how they

in El In

striking

and

Alfredo

'In EI so we are rest of the the miners

view

frozen the

played by

women of the mining communities and showed millions of working neone in ure coola world that here, in penalst Dnal a workig class movement is fighting back against injustice and exploitation.

and Alfredo heard from many miners and miners wives about their experience of police violence They commented: 'This reminds us of how it was in a Salvador at the beginn ing of our struggle. Miners

'Our experience paralleled that of the NUM, as the most politically con-

and combative Like with us, the NUM will continue to be a special asiander pres

and blackmail'

One strand of discussion between miners and the Salvadoreans was how the struggle in both coun

teaches that trade union struggles are only

of much bigger Wall political fight - a revolutionary struggle, which the Salvadoreans explained needs to establish government that respects and defends the rights and

of working people.'

combative EI

Involving the entire

in . political including

women, peasants, students.

Salvadoreans

the mining communities

pressed by

back to El including

conference

San on 7-8 November.

has solidarity with the of

on

January and to

Avenida de Agost

San

Salvador,

America.

Socialis Ari» Coffee harvest threatened by Contras

Nicaragua: 'In a

struggle for

survival'

LAST week, a Contra sabotage squad was arrested red-handed in the Nicaraguan capital Managua with plans to blow up the main cen-

transport and communication.

evidence of a turn by

to urban sabotage to the

1982 and autumn, which relaxed which relaxed to allow scope for

in the nawhich

National

last week

- which in-

action — the govern

The stressed, 'we survival'.

The economic

per cent

shortages spare

materials. economic disruption suffered by

War Il, were

and

the scale

the coffee pro

Esteli, and

The

poised

to invade during the

coffee OSI

On the diplomatic

The of

process

receiving 250 millior

then

the Republic

which helped give Caribbean cover Reagan's of

• would

UTULCO. tions. nounced and by

role these

In this the

has been to get through last

Ray

'haven't

things

ment needs have the authority use measures.'

needed in

the over the

international

attack the

attack trade union rights the

encourage union

and passed legislation support of

be dutifully this

by EEPTU, CONTEN

Sandinistas are

walli

and war.

Nicaragua 23 November oppor

:10 take this and other solidarity the

• Trade conference Vicaraska Sheffield Ha

93050г.

Page 10 scan of this page

10 Socialist Action

Fighting

racism

THE UPRISINGS in Handsworth, Brixton, and Tottenham have focussed attention once again on all aspects of racist harassment suffered by Britain's black community. From outright murder, through discrimination at work, to institutionalised harassment from the police and the immigration authorities, black people in Britain are the constant victims of racism. CAROL TURNER reports on some examples of the way in which the black community is organising to fight back.

Justice

for the

Pryces

WHILE Britain's black youth take to the streets in response to increasing police harassment, the Pryce campaign is stepping up its defence of the most recent victims of racism in Newham.

Gerald Pryce's trial started on Monday 14 Octooel, neariy a yeal allei his brother Eustace was kaned RaMSLS. ALLCL Gerald had witnessed the murder trom a bus. he was arrested by plain clothes police on the grounds that he was distraught and looked as if he was about

something dangerous.

Gerald was denied the right to go with his ding brother to hospital. allu taken instead to Plaistow pulice Salu. He Was released hours later only to find that his brother was dead.

Bail was refused for weeks, and then only granted under restricted conditions. But the white murderer was only arrested atter consacradic community pressure, and

1 November 1985 given bail immediately.

Police treatment of the Groce family in Brixton and the Jarrett tamılv in Tottenham in the past few WOCKS alone shows their real attitude to black peoRewham have seen many Black people racist attacks, arsons and murders in their area over the past few years. The police have made fittle attempt to find and convict those responsible. Instead, they treat the victims and their families as criminals.

By Joyce Fairchild

A weekly picket of the Old Bailey has been held throughout Gerald's trial. Now the campaign is organising a week of action, including: • Thursdav 24 — wreatn laying ceremony at Green Gate, after picket Plaistow police station, 6.30-8pm • Monday 28 public meeri Noah, E6. 24le High Street Invited speakers include the Handworth Defence Campaign; meeting begins 7.30pm.

• Further information from the 'Justice for Pruces' SuDOrt CUrliltee, PO BLon273, Forest Jule. London (phone:01-555 8151).

MUHAMMAD

MUST STAY! IMAD

neigo

uigo LAST week, NALGO member Muhammad Idrish won his fouryear long battle against deportation.

Thanks to his own dog-

ged persistence and the

determined support of his

Justice for

the Kassams

ON 13 July Shamira Kassma, who was pregnant, and her three sons were burned to death in their Seven Kings home in Ilford.

Her husband Mirza and his brother were also seriously injured. The fire was deliberate.

Four white men were • seen leaving the scene in a car. Many believe this to be a fatal racist attack

Neither is it an isolated incident. Peter Burns brutally stabbed through the eye with a metal bar by å gang or. racist inugs.

Seven Kings station last year, also died of his inembuis; one group of C.ND supponers sures = l5 Mag in a ritual protest against the war-drive policies of president Ronald Reagan

NO

RAOST LAWS!

I STAY!

Muhammad will stay

union, NALGO, an appeals tribunal overturned the Home Office decision

his right to remain in Bri The tribunal upheld tain, emphasising the importance of his work at the Asian Resources Centre in Birmingham's HandJuries.

Since 1980 no less than 20 black people have been murdered by racists in the HNO LOROOHIve of them were killed in IIford.

A march and rally against racist attacks and n support of the Kassan family - is being organis-

for Saturday November in Seven Kings Ilford.

• For more information about the Kassams and about march November contact: Joint Campaign Communice c/o 400 High Road, Ilford (phone: 01-555 8151). Osso te Inia

MUHAMMAD

MUST STAY!

nalgo sworth area.

The decision represents a small gleam of light what is a very dark tandel for Britain's black popnla-

wao suler: cof sin harassment under the urJUSL leg sla tion.

Clapton

nursery

sit-in

LOCAL parents are occupying Hackney's Clapton Park nursery to protest the harassment of black worker Veronica Wade.

Veronica, a Jehova's witness, was victimised by metsen laon akte her class baked cakes instead of making mother's day cards (on the grounds that Veronica couldn't celebrate a pagan festival). After a disciplinary hearing, at which Veronica was backed up by her union NALGO, management dismissed the charges against ner. They said there was no case to answer.

Despite this, the malron continued harass Veronica. Instead of reinstating Veronica in her usual job after the hearing. the Halluu las used her as a 'floating' worker.

Parents, together with the Hackney Black People's Alliance. decided to take direct action

their religious beliefs and Het • l parents have a say in how the nursen is ruu The! have been in occapation of the nursery for more than five weeks now.

NALGO, who are not ornicially taking part in toe occupation, contineing to work at the nurser and supporting the oc-

financially Hackne!

NALGO believes

onica's case represents

TiTE „ü veTü t..it... The occupation on 01-985 0202.

Khan family

THE Khan Family Defence Campaign was set up on 14 August 1985, to keep the Khans united and in this country.

The first meeting, held in Manchester, was attended by over 50 people including representatives of other defence campaigns, black organisations, trade unionists, and political organisations. The campaign is already gathering support among the Asian

Shaukat Khan came to Britain over 13 • cals azu.

He is living wiln nis wilt

two British-born enlaren Manchester.

Mrs Khan has the right to

than gold"

A miner's daughter at last August's Mines Not Missiles festival in Kent

consider

striking miners' children.

Closures. Here's just a taster:

They' ve Sacked M! Dad They're saclied m! dad you know Though he'd dosc nothing wrong Thes 're sected him cos he was on strike On trike for far too long Tee focad him innocent you know rodge was rather cross: • Tris aan ded sient and told his boss.

•hi's proved I did no wrong.

But yes he had, he'd been on strike C sinke for lar too long They' ve sacked my dad you know But I am proud of him.

Jayne Petney, 14, Vottinghamshire

MA Z M d ma 'a ät =re Vainabie Tran Gir-

V... "stey,

News

defence campaign

live in this country.

The Home Office

Dasso lalt circumstances But in the accUull!

Khan's case they are denying the basic right for the family to remain together.

The defence campaign organised a public meeting last Saturday with speakers from other defence campaigns. themes of the meeting in cluded the history of the racist immigrauon and tionality and reso ance anu sruguc d the black communities it Britain.

• For further details conthe campaign on 061-225 8701.

"More valuable

IF YOU are beginning to think about (inex-

pensive) Xmas sese oronte ule do orse

the plethora literature from the mining communities that has come out of the strike. One such is More Valuable Than Gold, a book of writings by

The book is a collection of poems, essays and drawings by children throughout the course of the strike, and all proceeds go to Women Against Pit

should not have got the sack.'

my father said, 52==… E itiner

Page 11 scan of this page

NUM steps up campaign for

THE NUM conference in London on 28 October, to step up the

neasures that include a lobby öf pärigment. Thi ame day also saw a decision by the union to purge its contempt of court in order to try and recover NUM funds sequestrated since last year.

Announcingk Arthur Scargill explained that he personally had argued against it. But, as on all issues, he would carry out the democratic decisions of the conference and of the national executive. He said:

THE special delegate conference today discussed two things. The first item concerned victimised miners. coonnerence has aaccu. first of all, to reaffirm its determination schule the reinstatement miners dismissed,

THIS WEEK saw another step in the fight to rebuild the NUM in the Notts area, when a branch of the union was reestablished at every pit in the coalfield.

than has been seen in au before the ballot.

Over the past few months many miners have sign-

wish to the

Mac ul.

The meetings

decisions at

union and

result was Bure

elected the

acting onIcas

weeks. will CuIsulC

the

has denied

must be seen as d ulullsa-

try.

and Derbyshire

All

ensure this.

The NCB will now step

NU VILIM

sacked miners

decided, af a spectal delegate

in support of victimised mipers

the latter decision to the press,

matter how long it takes We welcome the decision of the TUC and Labour Party conferences. which have supported those WilU have been dismissed and their to win reinstatement. We welcome the wide support

Around the coalfields

Many of the meetings had a bigger attendance

-called NUM meeting

campaign loyalists, those elected as branch officials. defend officials

Stacks, affairs at Notts. NUN

struggle.

By Mark Hunter, Acting NUM Secretary, Welbeck (personal capacity)

Already there is disharmony among mendels of the area council of the UDM. Its failure to consolidate itself highlighted at Sherwood pit, the response of the UDM members the suspension or tne branch secretary who was elected some months ago and has now chosen to remain in the NUM.

The UDM members have organised a petition of protest to send to their leadership. Once again.

Lynk's moves have proved unacceptable to many of his followers. he UDM membershi mn oa cusoi.uy whether to accept the

which is growing in the

movement for our wiaer case for reinstatement.

In an effort to bring this matter to the attention of an even wider section of our society, we ste going "to eu verenm voo

to tk the tuc oing

Labour Party to actively participate in this lobby, so that the issues raised not only by the NUM, but also by the Se ecI committee can be brought very firmly to the attention of parliament itself.

We are going to do possible everitd coordinate the activities of all ou members who've been dismissed, they can be actively Invo ved OliY raising money for

substantial rise the Board promised betore the ballo! materialises. Rumours of major increases in productivity, continental shift work - tor example. compulsory weekend work

without overtime payments ana wnolesale closure of Notts pits are rire. sucn rumours call on-

strengthen the position of the NUM.

The determination and fighting spirit of the men

and women in the Notts

that we have seen

throught the last 18 mon-

shown through

LIS. lias

again. Notts Women

Against Pit Closures are now preparing to fight on

the question of recognition of the NUM.

The Notts WAPC are

willine lo sene speuken lo

any trade union or Labour

For mcctu. MOre

details contact Gwen

McLeod Mansfield

559255.

СЕЛАТ МАЛЕР HA LUES

themselves and their

but also alllcs presenting the case of this union and demonstrating what'can happen to other trade unionists they attemptito struggle against this gowernment.

Obviously the lesson to be learnt is that we need unity amongst the labour and trade union movement to prevent this type of victimisation. W Pr believe that that kind of campaign, and that kind of organisation, is the best security we can have.

Finally, of course, we reaffirm our opposition to the latest Coal Board

called orobusa Strategy for Coal - wnIcn is yet anothe! attempt to close COWI the industry on a large scale, If Lilal voa a uc s callc! confident about im-

their pit

of 3000 jobs since its 2:1

of seousics: of the situa-

sion

cent during the

NCB lodge level.

hold out against

St As CCCI

position, DUaLL

cedure.

would ignoring Coal demands

ample, the mine

Wales undoubtedly

.of the hoto: but, South NUM

alca leadership has failed

Dhnto. MOR

their

80-100m COd

will lead to

figures absolutely • 1r

which VOC TeTOUSIdenied by the

today

and long discussion the of that

was The

ехесиис membership

Wales.

like can be deteated

area level?

effective paign the pit COsuTe

South Wales.

Kent

in the Kent has changed

ly.

NUM

Tilman-

stone' campaign was laun-

ched with the aim oi rais

ing public awareness to the

dangers of a pit closure in

Kent. The consequences

for jobs and the economic

life of East Kent would be

disasterous

response to th

campaign, however was

disappointing The NCB

had given assurances that

the closure was necessary

in order to better serve the

imiadis 1 Turoo

Dox

socs Icu .

miners' strike.

labour movement.

tionally.

only interested in criticism.

struggle internationally,

South Africa and Central America.

the independent

and socialism the world over.

two ways. Firstly,

Hara suvvor.

Money

pledged £1000 for the paper's fund drive.

asking for.

as alel

Editorial Board

future of the other iwo Kent pits: Betteshanger and Snowdown

present, Tilmanstone is awaiting a date fol our review procedure ap. peal meeting with the Coal Board at national level. It is at that meeting that the union will present its alternatıve plans for the pit. Then the NCB will make their dicision on the pit's future.

After that, the position is unclear. There is still no national agreement on the independent appeals body. Tilmanstone operating in the dark from inal polnt on

In the meantime, the new coalface has gone into production here, and the

1 ding Ii)

Fand Drive appeal

to all our readers

Ter InCa cial support to every singl reacer. To e fee jasutnes in this because the weekly Socialist Action has woe a definite place for itself as part of the fighting left wing which has converged during and after the

• We gave four-square support to the leadership of the NUM. We explained that in the forces sym bolised by Arthur Scargill has emerged the first class struggle current and leadership in the labour movement for decades. While Fleet Street fumed, and many sniped, Socialist Action gave a platform to the views of the NUM leadership at every level. • Socialist Action supported the black section of the Labour Party from its inception and opened its pages to the black section to argue its case in the

• Socialist Action has supported the demands of women for self-organisation, and especially the development of women from the mining communities through the Women Against Pit Closures movement. We have, too, consistently reported in our pages the discussion of Labour women, and the struggles of all women at home and interna-

• Socialist Action has provided a channel for the Campaign Group of MPs to put forward their views when Tribune, Marxism Today and other labour papers have been closed to them, or were

• Socialist Action extends support to the class

particularly today We have opened our pages to the views of the FSLN, the ANC,

unions in souln Africa and other forces engaged in the struggle against Apartheid. We publish the views of Sinn Fein in Ireland and we support all those engaged in a just struggle for democracy, national liberation

In short, our principle has been to develop a paper which has 'no interests separate and apart from those of the working class as a whole'. We believe all our readers have an interest in maintaining and developing Socialist Action by contributing to it in

and most urgently, through

already coming in. A meeting of Socialist Action supporters in the NUM recently

Sup• porters and readers in the NCU have each pledged £50. Socialist Action readers in North London and South Yorks have pledged a week's wages to the paper. This is the kind of support we need and are

From next week the paper will carry a regula column showing our readers' response to this ap Silsing Yore are askina ice for sociarsm weekend conference on 16 and 17 November. Every reader should make it a priority to mobilise for this event which can be a vital opportunity to discuss the issues the paper covers every week.

Tickets can be obtained from Socialist Action, not just for yourselves, but to seli to other people who should be there. The Alliance for Socialism conference will bring together representatives of all-the forces that Socialist Action has been supporting in the last year. It can help build up the political influence of the paper and help establish

as a real, and useful, part of thi

We support you. Now perhaps you can suppor

Judith Woodward for the Socialist Action

pit showed a £97,000 pro fit for September. proving an embarrassment to the Coal Board In their desperation they even engineered lock-out at the pit, wher miners demanded the righ to hold canteen meeting to be kept informed of the situation in the coaltield All their tacties have Teec aslț now they have turned their attention to Betteshange and announced the closure of that pit.

The public must he made aware ial Ine lit tional assets of this country are going to be sacrillied the alter monetarism and anti-trad: unionism.

Page 12 scan of this page

An

Alliance

A weekend of debate and discussion in London

16-17 November Topics include: • How to draw out the lessons of the miners' strike and fight for amnesty • How to fight racism and build the black section • How to build Women Against Pit Closures, the Women's Action Committee, and women's organisation in the labour movement • How to fight the legal attacks on the unions • How to fight the assault on local councils • How to fight the drift on the right in the party and build. or the successes the left has won • How to build solidarity with the struggle in South Africa • How to defend Nicaragua and the Central American revolutions • How to get Britain out of Ireland

• How to defend lesbian and gay rights There is no better place to discuss these, and other issues, than in the sessions and workshops of Socialist Action's Alliance for Socialism' weekend.

Speakers at the event include:

The African National Congress Diane Abbot, Tony Benn, Jack Collins, Jeremy Corbyn,

Vladimir Derer, Betty Heathfield, Peter Heathfield, Stuart

Holland, Ann Pettifor, Russell Profitt, John Ross, Mare Wadsworth, Jude Woodward, Doreen Weppler.

plus speakers from Black Sections National Committee, the

FDR of El Salvador, and many many more.

Venue: Sir William Collins school, Charrington St, London NW1 (near Kings Cross Station) £5 for weekend, £3 each day Tickets from Socialist Action, PO Box 50, London N1 2XP

Please send

Name

Address.

Send to Socialist Action, PO Box 50, London N1 2XP

Socialismt de

ASSACRE MBER 10ch 3 KILLED tickets for 'An Alliance for Socialism to:

REMEMI SOWE

MASSACR

16th JUNE AVER DOC