Socialist Action No. 152, 7 November 1986
The scan: 152-nov-07-1986-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive)
Uncorrected machine reading of the whole issue. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from the scan and has not been corrected or cut into articles. Each page gives the headlines first, then the columns in order, so one article runs on into the next. Expect misread words. Use it to find things; quote from the scan.
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BRITAIN OUT OF IRELAND
no solution
THE fundamental problem for Ireland is the division brought about by the British. Until Britain withdraws there will never be peace in Ireland. One year on, we can clearly say that the Anglo-Irish Accord is a failure. That is inevitable. Such a solution cannot work because the border division is founded on a sectarian head-count in the north aimed at creating a talse majority in favour of union with Britain. The Accord was designed to show that the government in the south recognised the 6 counties. It was an attempt to make the division of Ireland permanent — that is, to take a step backwards. I believe it was also designed, in the longer term, to bring Ireland into closer relations
ACTION
BUILDING AN ALLIANCE FOR SOCIALISM
One year of the Anglo Irish Accord:
with the United States and finally to make Ireland part of NATO.
By Joan Maynard resounding
about more violence, not less. Its supporters may have felt that the situation would be alleviated - in relation to the no-jury Diplock courts, strip searching, greater control over the RUC, and so on. But the whole gamut of oppression goes on as before. The changes were just cosmetic. In this context the recent decision of the Sinn Fein Ard Fheis
unity is
The Hillsborough agreement has brought
SUCCE Ireland.
Gerry Adams
presidential
address
to change its policy of abstentionism in relation to the Dail, was, I believe, the right one.
It is essential that Sinn Fein wins support and brings about changes in the south. Irish
La fundamental question for the British labour movement. It is essential that the dialogue which is beginning between the British and Irish labour movement is continued and deepened. And it is essential that the British labour movement recognise the real nature of the Anglo-Irish Accord. It must recognise that no progress towards a solution can be made until Britain withdraws from Ireland - and demand that the Labour
commits itself to leaving
No. 1527 Nov 1986 30p THE 1986 Sinn fein Ard Fheis (national conference) was historic. It voted, by 429 to 161, to end Sinn Fein's refusal to take seats to which it is elected in the sourthern Irish parliament. This decision has sent a shock wave through Irish and British politics. It means for the first time a party dedicated to British withdrawal from Ireland will be challenging the parties in the south of Ireland which have propped up British rule in the North. Because of the historic nature of this decision we are printing the major part of Sinn Fein president Gerry Adam's address to the Ard Fheis on abstentionism. We believe it is one of the most important speeches ever made by an Irish republican leader. TO BEGIN with, I would like to express, on your behalf, from this Ard-Fheis, our solidarity with political prisoners throughout the world and especially to Irish political prisoners in jails in Ireland, the USA, Europe and in Britain.
Much has happened since we assembled here last year. Sean MacManus, our party chairperson, dealt in detail with many of these developments in his address last night and I will make only passing reference to some of the most important ones here.
Despite all the best efforts of the British and Dublin governments, despite all the bluster of Fine Gael or their Northern representatives, the SDLP (Social Democratic and Labour Party), despite the bullies of the DUP (Democratic Unionist Party), Sinn Fein has not gone away.
The IRA is also still around. The Volunteer soldiers of Oglaigh na hEireann (the Irish Republican Army), now 17 years in the field, have demonstrated, time and again in the past 12 months, that they are unbeaten and unbroken.
It is no accident that when Conor Cruise O'Brien was quite properly chased ignominiously out of South Amrica Dy students tney chantea. vic tory to the ANC! Victory to the IRA!' We share their contempt for Dr O'Brien and we also share their solidarity in our common struggles. We extend that solidarity to national liberation armies throughout the world.
You will be asked to consider and support a motion from the Ard Chomhairle (leadership), and from cumainn (branches) and comhairli ceantair (districts) throughout Ireland, calling for a change in our abstentionist attitude to Leinster House.
We are a political organisation and political organisations must, by their verv nature discuss and debate issues which they consider pertinent. We cannot do so properly unless all sides of the argument are articulated, unless all sides are accorded equal respect and consideration and unless all are bound by the democratic wishes of their comrades.
The Ard-Fheis is the supreme authority in Sinn Fein - not the Ard Chomhairle, not the Coiste Seasta, not the president. The assembled delegates of an Ard-Fheis are the authority. You are the leadership.
Many republicans have deep and justifiably strong feelings about abstentionism. I share and I understand those feelings. But none of us, regardless of the strength of our views, has the right to present the establishment and our opponents with the opportunity to project internationally the spectacle of yet another republican 'split'. continued on page 2
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AcTioN Sinn Fein breaks
2 Socialist Action 7 Nov 1986
Kinnock's
disastrous course
THE month that has elapsed since Labour
Party conference has
catastrophe for the labour movement that
event was.
Some of those who stood and applauded Neil
Kinnock's nationalistic outpou rings in his speech,
and voted for the policies that accompanied it, did so
because they honestly, and wrongly, believed they
were right. But many many others, particularty in
the trade union delegations, did so exclusively and
solely because they believed they
election. Kinnock's line might not be right but at
least it was clever electorally. The ridiculous singing
of 'Here we go' after Kinnock's speech — for the per-
sougnt to wreck the miners strike
represented the desperate
delegates to win the next election.
But it is clear, only four weeks later, that this en
tire operation was for nothing. More than that it was
a alsaster. Labour took no step forward in the polls
after its conference - on the contrary the Tories narrowed the gap on Labour to two
points. The Tories held their most confident and ag
gressive conference — not to mention the most right wing - for three years. Opinion polls show a sudder
lurch of Alliance
coalition with the Tones rather than with Labour. In short Labour Party conference was an unmitigated disașter even at the elementary level of building party popularity.
It is the last results that show just why the party conference was a castrophe. it is not that Labour is interested in a coalition with the SDP/Liberals - or at least it shouldn't be. It is that the sudden violent lurch of Alliance supporters from favouring a coalition with Labour to favouring a coalition with the Torries shows the huge swing to the right in the
centre ground' of politics which Kinnock has allow. ed Thatcher to succeed in.
The explanation is simple. Kinnock declared the
need for 'consensus' - which meant accepting most of the changes wrought in the Thatcher years of British politics. Thatcher replied at the Tory ference by simply shifting that consensus three
paces to the right.
Owen has achieved essentially the same with the Liberals. He deliberately provoked a confrontation with the Liberal Party over Britain's absolute necessity to possess nuclear weapons. He was perfectiy prepared to see a damaging decline in Alliance support, which is just what has occurred. rather than have any policy even mildly damaging to British capitalist interests accepted. The 'consensus' British capital will accept is so tar to the right that even Kinnock, at present, cannot openly espouse it.
The result is now invitable. Having praised Kinnock to the skies for his miners, for launching the witch hunt against Militant, for isolating the Wapping struggle, the papers are launching a campaign to outfiank Kinnock to his right. Thatcher is ruthlessly built up. The papers which have been praising Kinnock for the last three years are now going to turn very nasty indeed. Because, after all, if we are to have a right wing consensus then Thatcher is a much more reliable guardian of it than Labour.
The reality is the following - and its conse quences have to be very carefuily absorbed by the labour movement. A year ago the most likely result of an election would have been a hung parliament or a narrow Labour victory. At that time Thatcher was still reeling from the effect of the miners strike. But if present trends continue the most likely outcome of a general election could be another Thatcher government. Kinnock has completely and utterly wasted the entire advantage Labour gained from the tremendous battering_ the Tories took at the hands of the miners. Far from being clever Kinnock's road nas been a complete catastrophe for the labour movement.
The game is not lost by any means. The Tories still face formidable economic problems — which could wreck them. It may still be possible to break through the obstacle to working class struggle which Kinnock represents. But if it is left to Kinnock then Thatcher is going to win the next election:
Undoubtedly the understanding of that is going to take some time to get through - and as far as most trade union leaderships are concerned nothing is going to happen before the general election. But when that understanding does get; through there will have to be a reckoning. Both: for the policies and for the individuals responsible.
shown just what
lou may
would win the
hope and will of
percentage
supporters towards favouring a
logii ment back
be attacks on the
again being party. involved.
Gerry Adam's presidential speech continued from pl:
I can understand that some
comrades view a change of the
absennonıst polley as a betrava. ot republican principles. Some ot
Steel that a republican making such change can no longer call itselt
republican'. If there are delegates here who teel like this I would remind you that the Army Authori-
OI Oglaigh hEireann, assembled in a General Army conventon, has democraticall made a judgement on this issue and that Oglaigh na hEireann has
remained united in its determination to pursue the armed struggle and is united in its confidence in us and our abilit! to pursue the political struggle.
The decisions of a General Army Convention are not binding on Sinn Fein Ard-Fheiseanna, but the logic if we change the abstentionist policy must be applied also to your attitude io the Armv And the
which would dictate withdrawal of suport from Sinn Fein if decisions go against you Means that vou nave already decided to withdraw solidarity and support from the IRA and the armed struggle l do not believe that any republican could take such a decision and attend this Ard-Fheis.
For my part, I can tell you that, although 1 am supporting the Ard Chomhairle motion, if the vote goes against us I will be as much a
as I am today before that vote, and I will continue to work for this organisation with total commit-
and single-minded determination.
The spectre of a 'split' is being raised to panic and intimidate us. It is aimed at unnerving people who want to remove abstenHons oul wao dOlt warl uit price for this to be a split. Talk or speculation about the split is aimed at making these people draw
This leadership is not going to blackmailed by any such speculation. We have been elected by you to give leadership and we will not be found lacking in the task of leading and uniting this
consider the Ard Chomhairle motion to be a most Van important one because of the clear direction it gives in relation to future strategy but 1 consider it also as opening up, in a formal sense the internal debate which commenced a few Ard-Fheiseanna Liberation
Our experience has taught us that our struggle - and this atfects every aspect of the struggle
- canOl be built merely on the republican perception of things. We have had show to consistentiy pitch our struggle at the level of people's understanding and we have had to develop it from this common denominator, taking into account, in an objective way, all the forces and factors
It would be much easier, of course, if all the Irish people, or a large section of them, were born with our perception and our view of things, but this is not the case. If it was, there would be little need for a republican struggle. But there is a need and it we want to win then there is a fundamental need to make it a people's struggle. Of who course, if we have no concept of winning we can remain as we are
- a party apart trom the people,
proud of our past but with little in-
volvement in the present and only dreams for the future.
In the 6 counties, in regards to
Stormont Westminster,
sizeable section of nationalists and
republicans feel no affinity with
those institutions. In the 26 Counties, it is different. It is a massive
mistake to presume that
republican attitude to Leinster
House is shared by any more than a small section of our people,
especially the citizens of this state,
who might otherwise be open to our policies on all other issues. It
must also be clear that the reconquest of Ireland, much less a
British withdrawal, calliul be completed without the support of more of these people. Reality
Of course we have a duty to point out to these people the shortcomings and the history of the present system, and we have a daly to wil taelm to our view, Dul we can only do so at their level of understanding and we can only proceed from the objective reality of their consciousness.
James Connolly dealt with this issue in 1897, in a criticism of abstentionism in the shan Van Vocht. In an editorial, the Shan
Vocht rejected Connolly's views because an oath of allegiance was involved, but they also called for the question to be debated and they recorded their agreement with
views on the labour and social questions. Earlier, the IRB (Irish Republican Brotherhood) had debated this issue and a secion of them actually attempted to develop a ballot box and dynamite strategy. At this time, unlike 1916 or today, they failed to develop their phase ol armed struggle.
I give these examples merely to
that the debate among „evo ulonane aout Damclod tion in parliaments predates partition. Partition has merely reinforced the problem and distorted it in much the same way as it has affected every other aspect of life on this island.
Dogma
Connolly's criticism of abstentionism in 1897 and his implicit approval of it in the 1916 Proclamation shows that republicans should not be dogmatic and inflexible on this question. Those
first articulaled abstentionism could (nOT foresee the political developments that were to take place, nor could they, or
Martin McGuiness and Danny Morrison: on the Ard Fheis platform last weekend
did they, lay down a course of action with a stipulation that it could never be changed
Their political responses were defined by the political conditions that confronted them or that they were apie to cicalt, As te pollica conditions change must republican stragegy change. Therefore present political conditions continue to be the dominant factor in producing a republican response to those conditions.
Participation
We should not reject participation out of hand, but we should always be aware that such rejection may become essential. It all depends on the objective reality and conditons of the time.
1918 was such a time. The strategy of 1918 was the correct one It was a dual power situation. It was much more than merely refusing to attend any enemy parliament. It meant withholding our consent to be governed by the British when the people -
- 110l us. but the people established an alternative to Dal Hireann. But Cvel the republicans made mistake. To a large degree many of those politicians who represented us in Dail Eireann were not republicans. They did not reflect the interests of the people doing the actual fighting. Thus a majority of them found it possible, if not easy, the Treaty al lanceucl
Ferocity
It was in their own class interests to do so. For this reason they implemented the Treaty with
terrible ferocity. And they defeated us. With animal savagery, great cruelty and brutality, they imposed the British partition of Ireland upon this nation and they established the Free State and, within a modernised neo-colonial arrangement, they continue
those interests which IcolCocil crucify the Irish people.
At that time, many republicans refused to co-operate in any way with the new Free State set-up. At that time, unlike today, abstentionism meant the withholding of all consent to be government by the new state. As In 1918, , this meant much more than merely abstaining from taking their seats
It meant refusing to co-operate in any way with the new state. It meant a refusal to recognise any aspect of the Free State, its courts (in both civil and political cases),
its education system its labour
Politics Today
and agricultural schemes, limited though they were, or even its postal system.
Free State
In 1924, Sinn Fein fought its last meaningful election on an abstentionist policy in the Free State. Given the destabilising eflect that abstentionism had on a young Free State, plus the widespicad though mistaken belief that partition would not last, and coupled with the support that we continued to enjoy despite the vicious cruelty of the Civil War Coulie-Icvo argued that abstentionism was the Conca ova a coxHe so, the emergence of Fianna Fail, and its subsequent electoral successes with republican support, marked the end of abstentionism as a viable policy in this state. The coercive policies of the Fianna Fail leadership in government are a matter of record
This period is significant not just because of the emergence of Fianna Fail but also, and more significantly, because Fianna Fail received support from many of those who remained committed to republican objectives.
The IRA leadership anda depleted Sinn Fein organisation remained on the high ground of abstentionism but yet, at the same time, they were prepared to give at least passive support to another party which was not only prepared attend Leinster House but was committed becoming part of the partitionis! DystcH They failed to present the people with any realistic political alternative.
Truth
Sometimes I ask myself if we will every learn. The central issue is not abstentionism. It is merely
problematic, deeply-rooted and emotive symptom of the lack of republican politics and the failure of successive generations of republicans to grasp the cendamental need tor nd phe icar damental need republicar politics This truth must grasped. It is a difficult one fos many to accept given the consor rotor al and repressie se tre
our past, our distrust for 'politics and politicians' and a belief that "politics' is inherently corrupt. But once it is grasped then everything eise follows logically, especially the need to develop our struggle at the level ef peoples y nder tan dingane,
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with abstentionism
Politics Today
Some republicans believe that pollics Is lne properly establishment, 'constitutionalism' and politics are the same thing and thus that politics are inherently corrupt and corrupting. The logic of this is that de Valera was okay until he went into Leinster House, or that the opportunism of the Clann na Poblachta leadership red atter their entry into the free State parliament. If we still believe that, then we don't know our own history and we have little concept of the class nature of this struggle.
Even if our history only started yesterday, the right to Republic exists today in the right of the Irish nation to sovereignty, independence and national determination. It is up to us to make that Republic a reality.
We must develop a 32-Countywide political struggle. This is the most important task facing us at
While consolidating our base in the 6 Counties, develop a popular struggle here in the 26 Counties to compliment the struggle in the 6-County area. Of necessity this means, advance at the level of people's
the removal abstentionism in regard to Leinster mouse YOU do tomorrow but one thing is certain: as Sinn Fein continues to develop its understanding of the needs of this struggle, you are going to do
your leadership is going to be back Here ve denver convinced you of this necessity.
The fundamental tenets republicanism remain valid and are, of course, absolutely central
tional difficulties. But no genera-
01 republicans could should ever merely teachings of previous generations. Those who were successiul in the past in advancing the republican cause, even by one inch, and modernised the teaching and experiences of their predecessors. THIUS Lalor did, Pearse did, what Connolly did — ana lt 1s wnal we nave lo ao also.
We have to develop a coherent social and political which provides a rationale for.consistent political as well as armed
such a process is one oi continual reinterpretation remmement m response stantly changing social political reality.
Leadership
The failure to do this in the last 60 years has prevented Sinn Fein from assuming position leadership in this state from which people could. be organised their political and national consciousness raised. This in turn has weakened the appeal and credibility of this struggle and limited our ability to think or act outside, and thus complimentary to, the armed struggle, and it has prevented us from mobilising the broad masses of our people, not least in regards
We have at all times been more committed to TeDe on a revolution. The cement which held us together was physical force and, unti recent times. physical force was applied in isolation, ported by organised political sentiment in the country. I have spoken
this theme many times and I have preached gospel of republican politics -need for republican politics, that is the need for republican involvement with people - up and down this island.
Over the last few years I have,
like many of you, of the so-called
depth including
only occur- we have a majority in
no use. comrades and
the of
self- policies,
thev understand
among which the people in order to
ficult and of up to by us. this Succeed
and succeed.
untie bas will not provide a
solution to all our problems. of
struggle heavier upon all of us
and become the
ple, alternative updated
republicanism offers.
positions. This
what
philosophy here,
and
and that those and abstentionism
stay with us also.
alla tives or our
Emitted to
ty of this nation.
Revolutionary
like ours
unsup-
toralism amenter
the
social resistance
quest of Ireland.
consideration to the question of absentionism and of what part it plays in our struggle. I have considered all the alternatives in great
dual power situation which is neither feasible nor practical in this state at the present time. Thave considered the strategy of taking seats only when
Leinster This is advanced by some is, among other things, an admission by them that only mathematics and not princi-
in time. ple is involved. But it is also as impractical as the dual power theory.
The only feasible way to break
political gains, to win support for
aevelop organisation and our struggle is by approaching people at the level
This is the sad and unfortunate reality of the existing. dilemma facing us. It cannot be dodged by highly moral rhetoric. Vote It is an issue which we must face up
This means sinn rein getting
people in the basic ways accept. means new approaches and dif-
perhaps risky political positions have to be faced
It will mean the difference between another glorious defeat or the development of strategies which can times,
The removal of abstentionism 'magic wand Indeed. in this state it merelv clears the decks and it makes the burden of
We have to cease being spec. way, tators of a struggle in the 6 Counties
pioneers of republicanism in the 26 Counties, putting our policies before the peo-
confident of the logic of the
I say this means risky political
should not
The removal of abstentionism allied to implementation of the other necessities I have touched on
detailed in other addresses, will initiate an increase in our party membership and could this state. change the political complexion of For unis party, Iis importal beiciole
wish to change recommit themselves to this struggle and that those who are opposed to change
We need to keep our republican gut. While developing the struggle in the zo Counties we must never lose sight of our national objectives. We must change our strategies but must never let this change our objec-
aims: we are republican party committed to the Dublin overthrow of British rule in Ireland and to the end of partition and com-
bringing about the political and economic changes nec- this essary for the well-being and securi- unabated.
What will make an organistion revolutionary not whether it is committed to any particular means of achieving revolu-
- such as surcel agitation, cicc or physical force but be all ine means Il uses pôlitical work, publicity, mass edua-. tion, electoralism, and armed struggle (which should play no part in the struggle in this state) or projects of
cultural are conducive peace, achieving the revolutionary recon-
country.
The test of a real revolutionary is his or her consistent, determined and intelligent work for real national independence, whatever the area of struggle that might be in.
Struggle
Revolutionary work is work which advances the national independence struggle, and it is the art of politics and political judgement which should determine what work should have priority at any moment
No one form of revolutionary work is inherently superior to any other. The judgement of what form of work is required must be made on the basis of what form is most conducive and necessary for the national independence struggle in the particular circumstances currently
Republican TDs (members of the 26 County parliament) will act, in one diction the as 0r
direction Chomhairle. They will vote in the interests of their constituents, our struggle and this party. I am totally opposed to this party becoming involved in any coalition, at any time, with any of the establishment par ties in Leinster House If we, a
agree on specific or if we vote along similar lines, that is fair enough and is acceptable.
Some of you may think that I have dwelt at too much length or this issue of abstentionism. My intention is to place on the historical record now, in a clear and detailed
the issues facing this party when we come to consider this contentious issue. We cannot enter into such a historical debate - the long
outcome of which could change the face of politics on this island and will certainly change republican politics — without leaving a clear and unambiguous record of why we considered such a step. Change
It a sentence, what I am saying is that it's time for change, not just for republicans but for all the people of
the political pygmies of Leinster House have had things too easy. For too long they have been allowed a monopoly upon what passes for politics in this part of Ireland and for too long a very sizeable section of Irish citizens have been denied the opportunity to shape and build a relevant, radical and principled alternative to partitionist rule.
The failure to build a republican base in this state has meant that the anti-people policies of successive
governments are ]Iti plemented with almost no opposi tion and that the lowering of nanonal sour and tne pretence Wal
state is a nation goes on Partition is virtually a ract of hite here tor may people who feel powerless to remove it.
Sinn Fein is the only party in this country which is totally committed
securing a complete British withdrawal from Ireland. It is only a matter of time until we assist the British government in taking this inevitable course of action which will
hastened by •InC Oglaigh na hEireann, the spearhead of republican resistance in Ireland. It is only a matter of time until the British are forced to get out of our country. And when they do, then and only then, will the basis for
unity, prosperity and democracy be established in our
Sinn Fein in
conference
.700 delegates,
youth, social
issue.
overturn Sinn
seats in parliament.
constitution.
For 65 years,
parliament or any
torious. As most
Workers Party.
ties. Brian MacDonald,
abstention.
John Joe McGirl also spoke cerence of the change
OVER 1,000 people, including
crammed Dublin's Mansion House for the 1986 Sinn Fein Ard Fheis (na-
Galway, tional conference) last weekend.
The Ard Fheis discussed a wide range of questions — prisoners,
and economic policy, foreign policy, the party's press, abortion, culture. We will be reporting on these in our next rostrum to
But the conference was dominated by the decision to
Fein's abstentionist position as regards taking
Dublin's Dail, or
The motion from Sinn Fein's leadership to change the position on abstentionism, and take the seats in the Dail, was passed by 429 votes to 161 - thus securing the necessary ing reality 2/3 majority to change Sinn Fein's
By Jon Silberman in Dublin
Sinn Fein has to continue rerusea to enter cuner tne brius.
"partitionist assembley in Ireland — whether in the 26 county state in the South or in the North. The party has stood candidates in elections but they have refused to take their seats if vic-
people in the South will not vote for candidates on that basis this has left politics in LIUSL the 26 counties free for those parties years'. which in practice prop up British rule in the North — Fine Fail, Fianna Gael, the Labour Party, and the
Sinn Fein's decision to take seats to which it is elected in the Southern Parliament is therefore a direct Fein challenge to the pro-partition par-
head of Sinn Fein's publicity department stressed that the need to develop an al-ireland powical auernalve wa. at the heart of the discussion on tiny splinter
Fein'
Party veterans Joe Cahill and
in McGirl received a standing ovation as he Ard Fheis.
Socialist Action 7 Now 1986
3 John Joe McGirl
told delegates that 'the important thing is to win. not to hand thi struggle down to future generations.
Delegate McGovern from
associated with the republican movement for 40 years, underscored this point. "This is a revolution of the whole country, north and south'.
Sinn Fein vice-president, Martin McGuinness came the
put the case against abstention. McGuinness refuted the suggestion that what was involved was ending the armed struggle in the north. We must accept, he said, that 'after 65 years of republican struggle, republican agitation, republican sacrifice and republican rhetoric, we have signally failed to convince a majority of people in the 26 Counties that the republican movement has any relevance to them. By ignor-
we remain alone and isolated on the high altar of abstentionism, divorced from the people of the 26 Counties and easily dealt with by those who wish to defeat us. Such a situation cannot be allowed
Countering the suggestion that reversal of abstentionism would be applauded by the British government, McGuinness said to loud applause 'they fear this movement, they fear this leadership. They have every right to fear us because in or out of Leinster House we head the
dangerous and committed revolutionary force in Ireland for 65
Immediately following the Ard Fheis, the Dublin prime minister, Garret Fitzgerald issued a prepared statement. He urged all 'democratic political parties' to join together in a campaign to ensure that no Sinn
representative was elected. Every major British paper carried material reporting and analysing Sinn Fein's decision. The Southern irish press, and government, have turned to attempting to build up the
'Republican Sinn launched Dy Ruairi O'Bradaigh. This had no support in the IRA, and was supported by only around 30 of the delegates to the
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anti-racist policies
Socialist Action 7 Nov 1986
Youth
in action
Youth — no help
from Kinnock 'CYNICAL beyond belief' was the absolutely accurate response of the charity Youthaid to the Kinnock leadership's latest slap in the face for young people.
Sawyer's promises of a 'vibrant youth moveBy Anne Kane ment' Red Wedge and designer socialism, was revealed when Labour said it could not pledge even to restore the £100 million Thatcher is cutting from the unemployment benetit of people under 25.
Labour's response put the party to the right of the Liberals on this issue. These cuts — to be fully in force by 1 April 1988 — will mean a flat deduction of £6.60 weekly from young people claiming supplementary benefit. They are part of the provisions of the Social Security Bill passed earlier this year and vigorously denounced by Labour in debate.
On Tuesday, only two days prior to this statement by Labour, Gordon Brown, Labour Party regional affairs spokesperson, denounced the new 'available for work' tests already being sneaked into the DHSS. Aiming at cutting the dole figures by 200,000 in less than a year without creating a single job, new questionaires will use trick questions to ensure the highest number of unemployed people possible are deemed undeserving of supplementary benefit.
Conditions which mean benefits can be denied to newly unemploved people new provisions - include being unwilling to travel long distances just to look for work, 'restricting' the type of work you want, having dependants such as children,and being unable to make immediate alternative arrancements or not wanting to work unsociable hours. The result in a pilot study was that 361 people were denied claims, compared to 32 in of-. fices not using these questions. conditions will hit those in the weakest financial position hardest — ruled 'unavailable for work, or young people with little training or higher expectations than Thatcher thinks reasonable who will be 'restricting'
Both of these savage attacks on the unemployed, especially youth, handed Labour the task of taking the offensive against the Tories by mounting a campaign against benefit cuts and for full employment, training or higher education provisions for young people. Labour had yet another opportunity to identify itself with the interests of millions of young people against the Tory government and to win the support of those 6.2 million voters who will be under 25 in 1987. Instead Labour lined up with the Tory attacks by refusing to back its House of Commons bluster with any committment to action. benefits no wonder youth who demand training and full employment have been called "impossibilist' by Kinnock — during his 'Labour Listens to Youth' tour no less! The Labour leadership's refusal to campaign for the jobs and training young people want, Kinnock's insult of 'impossibilism', Red Wedge-ism, and the clamp down on an independent youth section are parts of a consistent policy. It's one of never mind the politics, turn up the music and bring in the bright lights and we'll get the youth vote. It is a policy which will have disastrous policies youm will araw exacuy une same conclusion as Youthaid, that Labour 'want their votes, but they are not prepared to offer anything in return'.
The first step in reversing this course is for all sections of the Labour Party to oppose the attacks on the LPYS that were voted at this year's Labour Party conference and allow youth their own indepen-
Youth and Ireland day school Birmingham University 8 November at 11am Speakers include:
Sinn Fein, NOLS, NUR, Union of Students in Ireland, Labour Party Biack Section, Women Against Pit Closures, LCI and LWI.
The grim reality behind
who come under these
Without doubt these women with children who will be
BRENT COUNCIL is under attack from all sides. Its crimes? Wanting to examine seriously allegations of racism against headmistress Maureen MeGoldrick; prefering a black teacher to a white one in the case of Mrs Braithwaite; and employing 170 teachers committed to creating race BUCHAN of Brent South Labour Party explains the issues.
BRENT has the largest proportion of black people of ally ally ' councI in Britain Its Labour authority includes the highest-ever number of black councillors anywhere It is no accident that Brent has been singled out by Tories and the media in an offensive designed to stir up anti-black
altu undermine Labour's electoral support.
The 1981 COHOES put Brent in eighth worst posi tion in England in terms of vantage of conse it is vantage course black people that suffer most from this. That puts a special stent counch not only t implement its expansionist manifesto, but also to fight
as education.
With only 200 black teachers out of 3000,
VInC well-documented evidence of black under achievement in educaiton, Brent is 100 per cent correct to take positive acton in tavour of RUMOURS ABOUND that the Labour leadership is planning an extensive 'revamping' of the Black and Asian Advisory Committee. response to the huge pressure generated by Labour Party Black Section against the leadership's tame alternative to accepting the right of black members to self-organisation and constitutional recognition. It follows wide resignations from the committee by many black appointees.
Plans for a 'new' committee include GOODIE advisory from its title and allowing discuss policy issues. This would remove it from the ambit
orgamsalon sud committee of the NEC
Despite earlier assur-
da Douglas, the new LPYS representative on the NEC, has already accepted membership of BAAC one nas now lola black Section that she intends to saved ago.
Douglas's name widely bandied about as BAAC's next chair. In view of the previous NEC youth representative Frances Curran's eagerness to summarise on behalf of the right wing ine conference debate on Black
Blackbool las month, this latest rumour has gained wide credibility amongst the party's rank and file.
One measure of the contempt WiLl which the Labour leadership regards BAAC callit light recently when Black Section exposed the existence ot Ait Dubhs top secret think-tank on race Further indication is given bi
Support Brent's
equality in schools. BOB
black teachers and to ensure that allegations of racism de notary verneatedl
despicable that the NUT, Labour's education spokesperson Giles Radice, and the Morning. Star should actively collaborate with this Tory witch hunt.
The Morning Star claimed that Brent council's action will open the door
racist coullte offensive and inflict serious setback on the movement. it is the Morn ing Star's response — a rotten capitulation to racism within the NUT - wilCas a 'serious setback' for the labour movement. government elections Triune turned racism on its head by implying that it was black candidates who lost seats in areas such pointing out that racism pointing out racism within the local parties and Labour's resultant failure to campaign was responsible for poor results.
Further defeats for Black and
Asian Advisory Committee
This comes about in the fact that deputy party leader Roy Hattersley • has
By Annie Brady
not attended single meeting of BAAC so far.
Black Section: chair Marc Wadsworth Socialist Action: "The whole purpose of Dubbs' secret committee, of advising the parliamentary par ty on non-racist immigration legislation, Subscribe!
Campaign Group News
is the monthly newspaper of the Campaign Group of MPs. Since it began
publication earlier this
year CGN has become
a vital addition to every
labour movement activists' reading list. Supporting
subscriptions (one year:
£10), individual
subscriptions (one year:
(20p per copy for 10 copies or more) are available from: Alan Meale, Secretary, Campaign Group of
The reality of course is that the attacks on Brent council are part of an offensive STories, made plain at their opened the
recan concence They Will play the 'race card' for all it's worth in the run-up to tue next general ciechon strategy to disarm Labour government. The only way to sort out such questions is democratical-
by consulung authentic voice of black peopic willin the party and that means Black Section.
'BAAC deeply undemocratic, with system of neo-colonial ap pointees The so-called
of BAAC calone means the boycott campaign organised by Black Section has been spectacularly successful.
"This pathetic regrouping of BAAC is doomed to failure. It doesn't address the undemocratic nature of this bantustan commit-
and its lack accountability.'
Campaign Group News
End all nuclear power £5) and bulk orders Labour MPs, House of
Commons, London
SWIA OAA. Cheques
should be made payable to 'Campaign
Group News'
Brent council's positive action policy in schools is 100 per cent necessary.
Such attacks go hand in hand with the recent imposition oi the racist visa controls. They are part and parcel of the attacks on BriTalls • 026K communities and are aimed at rolling back the gains witnessed by the composition and
Black Section
round-up
South Africa House picket Labour Party Black Section supporters were prominent among the 100-strong picket South Africa House on Tuesday 28 October to protest the death of Mozambican president Samora Machel.
The picket was organised by a new _umbrella
Black tion for the Liberation of South Africa (BALSA). Participating organisations include Labour Party Black Section, PAC and Black: Consciousness Movement among others.
Black Section has also held senter public meetings on South Africa. The nationa cornmitica over the weekend of 25-26 October decided to step up solidarity with South Africa.
Hackney Black Section off the ground
OVER 70 nearly all them black, attended a very successful public meeting called by the newly-founded Hacknes Labour Party Black Section on 24 October.
A33:0N5E the question of ine way forward io: black people
Hackner. and the
News
policies of Labour councils such as Brent.
The task of Brent coun Cli and the brent parties t to explain and mobilise sup port their anti-racist
• And the task of the whole labour movement is to support them. struggle for freedom in South Africa, the meeting neara nanonal leaders or Black Section, local black activists speakers from South and East Africa.
The lively debate which followed indicates that Hackney can expect black large and active •section will be
on all issues affecting black people and to get more of Hackney's large black community into the Labour Party.
Anti-visa campaign A RECENT national committee of Labour Party Black Section decided to appoint a new post of immigration coordinator.
This job will mean liaising with deportation and immigration Calli paigns, especially within the black community. has not yet been decided which Black Section national committee member will fill the post, but as an immigration and the Black Section comrade
preparca paper for the national committee on the tion, Sanjiv Vedi is a likely
Black Section will not take up specific cases, but
NOT. with existing camFaigns to ensure that the issues of deportation and racist immigration laws is
Labour Party member
Page 5 scan of this page
on Labour women's conference
Deptford: another Knowsley North?
News
THE LABOUR Women's Action Committee (WAC)
women's places on the Labour Party
year's Labour Party conference to launch a com-
party.
Writing in last week's issue of Tribune WAC executive member Ann Pettifor wrote: "The 1986 Labour Party conterence coula go down in mistory de a turning point in the party's. attitudé the emowering of women. For, a his year's conference, mer both in ine constell party and the trade union delegations finally acknowledged that women's interests cannot be advanced forums
Labour's women's organisation...
"However the consultative process that about to be initiated by the
mittee in conjunction with
National Labour Women's Committee must have its underlying assumption, one simple but crucial principle: that women should control their own organisations and that
should worrier elect their represenLIO ...
WAC has pointed out that any relorms or lne women's conference which cave the election women's places on the NEC in the hands of men will not bring about a real change in
situation women within the party. WAC welcomes moves to increase the power and authority of the women's conference, and won a signiticant VIctory at party conference with the vote for the mandatory inclusion of woman on every shortlist for parliamentary selection. But it is the election of the women's places on the NEC which is the real measure of whether women are to have real, or purely token, power within the party. A situation where women's connounced his intention not to seek reselection,
twist.
The local Mercury recently ran a five-page 'ex-
clusive under the offensive headline The rape of Dept-
ford Labour Party', claimiS year plot by interators have uncovered
to take control of the party and oust Silkin.
Much of the material is Surdealt trom the
15-month long membership
enquiry by the national ex-
ecutive But the extensive
quotes from Silkin himself
demonstrate the level of col-
lusion.
Party members had
come to believe that the way
was clear at last for the ahead. The reces ship ind selection process
vestigation Silkin demand-
ed had failed to stop it. The
NEC had found only minor
aaministrative errors on ine
part of voluntary officers in
applications
Castle
WAC launches campaign
executive meeting on Saturday 31 October decided to launch a major public campaign for the election of the.
National Executive Committee (NEC) by the Labour women's conference. This follows from the decisions of this
prehensive review of women's organisationwithin the
ference has women NEU members imposed by a majority of men at party conference is a situation of pure
WAC is drawing up proposals for the restructuring of the women's conterence, and for the precise form of the election of the women's places on the NEC. however has made it clear that it is prepared to consider meaningful alternative positions on these issues it the basic principle of the right of women their own representatives is accepted.
The WAC executive is therefore circulating an appeal in the party which it is asking for support for. This appeal states: "The 1986 abour Partv women's conference instructed the NEC and the National Labour Women's Committee develop jointly proposals to make Ine Nanona Con. ference of Labour Women Tenterenve thus to increase its weight and authoritv. lo be in hne with the party's declared aim to make the interests of women a major priority, we consider it essential that proposats clude the provision for the tive women's places on the NEC to be elected by the National Conference of To women WAC is asking for signatories for this appeal and it will then undertake a maior campaign around it leading to the discussions which will take place on the NEC and in preparing next year's Labour Party conference. Within this framework WAC will con-
ty, and those who support
best detailed proposals for securing these aims.
THE LONG struggle by Deptford Labour Party, to select a representative and accountable parliamentary replacement for sitting MP John Silkin who has an-
looks like reaching its end. But not without another bizarre
passed on by Walworth Road or Silkin himself.
By Nick Long, Deptford Labour Party During this Silkin again attempted to reopen an investigation by claiming meetings held under the instruction of the regional organiser to con-
questionable. This was seen yel another wrecking tactic.
But in early October a timetable for the selection procedure was agreed with the NEC. Nominations will close on 5 December, and the selection conference is due to: take place on December. However this is still dependent on regional organisers checking the branch GC delegate confirmation meetings.
troversey between
in the shadow cabinet elections.
published these votes.
Then we suggested that Tribune record an equal number of votes to Campaign Group, that Is 34 without revealing names. Tribune refused this too. No wonder.
A glance at the results of the three women didates, Margarett SOCC kett, Jo Richardson and Clare ›nort, is most levealing. And it comes only
conference weeks voted for a minister for wollici status, against with the recom- cabinet
mendation of the right
Mercury LEWISHAM & CATFORD
Many party members in
Deptford view these latest developments as part of wide at leby the right cumscribe Deptford's right to a candidate of our own choosing. It is a further attempt to influence the outcome D) the party into selecting a can-
acceplavic the leadership,
It is obvious that Silkin, through the local media, is
Tribune MPs ditch women-again!
FOR THE last two years there has been much con-
Campaign Tribune Groups in parliament over the issue of recorded votes
Again this year Tribune refused to record the votes of their members while the Campaige Group has both recorded and wing leadership Richardson, on both the Campaign Group
By Dennis Skinner
and Tribune slates, received 59 votes. This was 12 down Just over 30 Campaign Group members voted, and they solidly supported the three WUllICH candidates. That means censor number of Tribune MPs supported Jo Likewise Margaret's 42 votes and Clare's 38 show
THE RAPE
of Deptford
Labour Party
attempting to lay further seeds of doubt. *the im. plication is that Silkin will resign, forcing election, if nominations are wing's liking This would allow the NEC to do a Knowsle!
North. Such concerns were also füelled when our national conterence delegation reported rumours circulating at Blackpool that the NEC wanted to impose
that only a miniscule proportion of Tribune Group supported either of these two. Yet there are twice as many Tribune Group MPs
Campaign alc Group MPs
Lots of Labour Party members pay lip-service to the important role women at all levels in the party. It is time that the movement understood what is really happening. Yet again, when it comes to turning words into actions, Tribune MPs have shown where they stand.
Comrades should ask themselves why ribune deserted women. The only
that the Soder indication on tee another indication so-called soft left's real position.
Joan Ruddock on the Deptford party.
Deptford Labour Party is virtually the last constituency selec parliamentary candidate. Sate for Labour it 1s highly desirable seat for would-be candidates.
No clear runaway favourity has yet emerged. Along with Joan Ruddock, Valerie Wise and local black councillor Clifton Graham have been recurring names in short-listing discussions.
However, Marlowe branch is first in line to nominate. It looks as if
Amelda Inyang will be : likely candidate there. surcharged Lambeth concillor, she is also chair of the
Cherry Groce campaign
DeDurora nas a black community. There is a strong argument, widely
accepted among the left of the local Daily, in favour of a black MP. Amelda fits this bill. But it is also likely that she is just the sort of
candidate that the party
leadership will find unacceptable.
Socialist Action
In Brief
rock Notts
against the
By Peter Purton local Labour Parties.
thews,
group must be carried
MCIL CHUN socialism without lesbian and gay rights.
chair LLL
of
of Labour Left Liaison.
national executive.
By Redmond O'Neill
to the LLL
coordinate activity
with speakers for local meetings.
party conference in
Group, through
Campaign Group,
for every regional party conference.
with the
Local Campaign groups: £10
LLL national meetings as observers.
Name ..
Address
Affiliation fee enclosed ..
Return to:
NW11 7SH.
7 Nov 1986
Lesbians and gays
'EQUAL rights for all' was the slogan and 'no divide and rule' was the message of the October 25 demonstration in Nottingham
county councils's refusal to honour its manifesto commitment to equal opportunities for lesbians and gay men.
Nearly 1000 people braved the rain and the gale to march behind the banner of the Labour Campaign for Lesbian and Gay Rights, The protesters were mobilised by LCLGR groups from across the country and locally, by NALGO, ASTMS and the
The breadth of support for the campaign wa indicated by the speakers at the rally. These includ
candidates, leader of Southwark council, and local labour movement representatives, including one of the minority on the county council's Labour
The demonstration made it clear that no longer will lesbians and gay men allow any Labour authority to trample on our rights and to fly in the face of national conference policy. It made it clear that the Labour movement can be united around
The fight aginst the ignorance, bigotry and prejudice of Labour authorities like Nottinghamshire
The commitment of the Labour Party to socialist policies on issues such as lesbian and gay rights is tested by such campaigns.
In Nottinghamshire at least, the whole move
understands that there can be no Black Section to
THE LABOUR Party Black Section has decided to take up the position of joint chair
The LLL chairs therefore are Marc Wadsworth, chair of the Labour Party Black Section, and Ann Pettifor, of the Labour Women's Committee
In an important step to widening its network of support, Labour Left Liaison has decided to invite local Campaign goups and individuals to affiliate
• This will enable local groups to be kept abreast of developments nationally, to be linked up with the party's national campaigns and to
with groups outside their local area. The LLL will also be able to help
Following the successful work of the LLL at October,
hand for coordinated work with the Campaign
Campaign Forum, around regional party conferences. Campaign Forum fr
inge meetings with speakers from the LLL, the
the Black Section and
Labour Women's Action Committee are planned
LLL will also be stepping up its work against
the witch hunt and in defence of party democracy
following the disgraceful extension of the witch
imposition o1a candidate
Knowsley North CLP by the Labour Party NEC
Affiliate to Labour Left Liaison
Individuals: £7.50 (waged) and £3 (unwaged
Affiliates will receive the regular mailings of the
Affiliated Campaign groups are invited to attend
Phone
Labour Left Liaison, 10 Park Drive, London
Page 6 scan of this page
Suez- the day the empire died
Socialist Action 7 Nov 1986 Eden
1. The road to
invasion SUEZ MARKS a British history which is so complete that it is almost impossible to remember what the world looked like before it. Pre-1956 was an epoch when the British Empire was still very much a reality. Britain had been forced to leave India immediately after War II. It had left Palestine in 1947. But apart from British Empire was still marked in red on much of the world's map.
Half of Africa was ruled from London. Britain had colonies Aden and Cyprus. It had Arab states in Jordan and Iraq. Over 100,000 members British armed forces were in the Middle or Far East. British prime ministers Churchill and Attlee met
Roosevelt, Truman, Stalin at Yalta and Potsdam to organise the post-war Britain was the only world, together WIll States and the USSR, to possess nuclear weapons, governments claimed, again with the US and Soviet Union, to be part The Road to Suez
1948
1951
1952
1954
1955
1956 13 June
1956 20 July
1956 26 July
1956 27 July.
1956 2 August
1956. 5 August
1956 2 September
1956 16 October
1956 22-25 October
1956 29 October
1956 30 October
1956 31 October
1956 5 November
1956 6 November
1956 22 November
1957 10 January
1957 March
1958 July
French troops landed in Egypt to overthrow the
of Egypt. It was one of the most humiliating and far
the events which have shaped British history ever since.
in the watershed in circumferences
Commonwealth, Alliance with and Europe.
British military
True,
World Britain had
that the
MaLe! in client (the Central Treaty the involving Turkey, Pakistan). alongside the United States, Korean and this world. state in the
United area into
British
During World
State of Israel proclaimed Nationalisation of Anglo-Iranian Oil Company Egyptian monarchy overthrown in coup led by Nasser Beginning of Algerian war of independence from France. Britain agrees to withdraw its military bases from Egypt Egypt signs arms deal with Czechoslovakia Last British troops leave Egypt under 1954 agreement Britain and US announce they will not help Egypt finance the Aswan dam Egypt announces nationalisation of the Suez canal British government establishes cabinet committee to plan war on Egypt Britain announces call-up of army reservists British and French governments planning for joint invasion of Egypt US warns British government against use of force to regain the Suez canal British prime minister Eden and French prime ministerMollet decide on joint British-French approach to Israel for an invasion of Egypt In a secret conference at Sevres, near Paris, the British, French and Israeli governments agree plans for the invasion of Egypt Israeli troops enter Egyptian territory Britain announces ultimatum, prearranged with Israel, ordering Israeli and Egyptian troops to retire from an area 10 miles either side of the Suez canal Britain and France begin bombing of Egyptian air bases British and French troops invade Egypt US president Eisenhower states that British loans from the International Monetary Fund will be blocked by the United States unless a ceasetire is declared. US organises a run on the pound, and Britain loses a sixth of its gold ana dollar reserves in a single day. bulam and rrance declare ceasefire at midnight on same day Last British and French troops leave Egypt Eden resigns Israeli forces leave Egypt Iraqi monarchy overthrown
THE INVASION of Suez, the thirtieth anniversary of which the press are commenting on this week, was the greatest crisis in British post-war hitory. On 5 November 1956 British and
government of Nasser. Yet 24 hours later they were forced to declare a ceasefire. By the end of the year they were out
reaching defeats in British history. JOHN ROSS outlines
of the big three of world politics.
In 1948 Churchill even claimed a specially privileged role for Britain in world politics due to its position 'three overlapping of the the Atlantic the United States,
might, and its foreign bases, were not simply for show.
British troops were actively engaged in fighting national liberation movements in Malaya, Cyprus and Kenya. In 1953 established the Central Airican reaeranon to ury to maltam white rule in southern Africa. British After governments had retained conscription World War II. Britain had not only joined NATO in 1949 but was also a member of SEATO (the South East Asia Treaty Organisation) and CENTO Organisation Iraq, Iran, and Britain fully participated, in the war when that broke out in
system of British international interests the Middle East occupied a privileged place. It had been which Britain had expanded after World War I. British based oil companies were the only ones in the world to compete with the giant oil corporations of the United States.
War Britain had
poor, alone 1955 ing
specifically concentrated on fighting in Egypt, North Africa, and the Mediterranean.
At the beginning of the 1950s Britain still had 80,000 troops in Egypt, as well as bases in Libya and military advisers in Iraq. Britain supplied the military commander of Jordan 'Glubb' Pasha. A further British troops passed through the Suez canal annually. A third of the ships passing through the canal were British.
But World War II had rocked European rule in the Arab East to its foundations. In July 1943 nationalist parties won an overwhelming majority in Syria
at that time a colony of France.
Syrian fighting with French troops in 1945, France was forced to abandon both Syria and Lebanon. The British, having colluded with Zionist settlers and the United States to establish the state of Israel, abandoned Palestine in 1948. In 1951, just to the east of the Arab world, the regime of Mossadegh had attempted to tionalise the Iranian oilfields. The key event in the Middle East however came in 1952 when a coup led by Nasser overthrew the Egyptian monarchy. Egypt contained a third of all the inhabitants of the Arab world. It also contained the Suez canal.
which had occupied Egypt since 1882, had kept the country in a state of subjugation and medieval backwardness. Less than half of one per cent of landowners owned over one third of all cultivable land. For the
72 percent of peasants owned only 13 per cent of the land. The British had made and broken supposedly independent Egyptian governments their will. So hated were the British that during World War II crowds had openly chanted the name of Rommel on the streets of Cairo.
Following the overthrow of the monarchy the new Egyptian regime progressively radicalised. Its first de-
the withdrawal of British forces from Egypt. This was conceded in July 1954 — although not without a Tory revolt in parliament against it led by Julian Amery.
Following this first success Egyptian government began to seek ways to pursue a foreign policy independent from Britian. The first major step in that came in April 1955 wher Nasser met with Nehru of India, Tito of Yugoslavia, Chou En-Lai of China, and Sukarno of Indonesia at Bandung to launch the non-aligned movement. Nasser refused to join the Pact launched by Britain to tie together its alliances in the Middle East. Cairo
began openly to support the rebellion against British rule in Kenya.
Israel feared the rise of a modernised Arab state to its west and commencedapolost star attempted t Egypt. Israel attempted organise sabotage against the British forces in Egypt, blaming it on Egyptial nationalists, to provoke the British into
This policy collapsed when it was openly exposed at the beginning of
La scandal which led to David Ben Gurion resuming the Israeli prime ministership in February 1955.
The Isrealis then began a policy of armed attacks on Egypt. Egypt return began to support guerilla raids on Israel and demanded to buy from the west to protect itself from Israeli attacks. When Britain, United States, and France refused to supply arms Egypt bought them from Czechoslovakia an attempt at pursu-
which all horrified independent British foreign ment. In May 1956 Egypt
diplomatic relations with China - at that time the US recognise Communist regime in China.
At this point the United States and Britain clearly decided to attempt to bring Nasser, to heel. A key to Egypt's economic development was the construction of the great dam across the Nile at Aswan. In February 1956 the World Bank had agreed to loan $200 million to Egypt towards its construction. But this was on condition the US and Britain supplied towards its foreign currency costs. On the 19 July US Secretary of State John
Foster Dulles announced Unites States was withdrawing its funding. The aim was to attempt to make Nasser's regime British and US confidently expected Egypt to capitulate.
On 26 July 1956, the fourth an60,000 niversary of the overthrow of the Egyp-
tian monarchy, Nasser gave his answer. In a radio broadcast to the entire Arab East he announced that Egypt would nationalise the British controlled Suez canal. Its profits would be used to finance the Aswan dam - Egypt was limited to seven percent of the profits of the canal by the agreement imposed by the British in 1949. It was an act of open defiance of British control. the 2. Britain invades na- THE BRITISH response to the na-
tionalisation of the canal was immediate and violent. prime minister Eden was meeting with his Iraqi puppet King Feisal and his prime minister Nuri es-Said in London on the evening of 26 July 1956 when the news came. Eden immediately summoned a meeting of cabinet ministers, the chiets of the armed forces, the French ambassador, and the US charge d'affaires. Eden's meeting was the remark that: "The Egyptian has his thumb wind-pipe.' Before his Nure es-Said was reported by Eden to have told him: "Hit him, hit him hard, and hit him now.'
The next day a special Egypt committee was formed in the cabinet. Its decision was to launch a military attack on Egypt. It recognised that this would be a major war preparations must be made.
The reaction in Britain, contrary to what is now claimed was almost total support for Eden. Successive editorials the in The Times were entitled "Time for
decision', 'What is at stake, of history', gressor'. Only the Observer came out against military action.
Most significant, however, was the reaction of the Labour leadership. Suez claimed as Baghdad Labour internationalism. But the truth
is that the initial reaction of the Labour Party leadership, in all its wings, was disgraceful chauvinist filth reminiscent of the Falklands. It was not until the United States stepped in clear, for its own reasons, that it opposed the forthcoming invasion of Egypt, tnat the Labour come out strongly against Eden.
The morning tionalisation of the Suez canal Gaitskell, then Labour declared parliament: deplore this high handed and totally unjustifiable step government.'
House of Commons on 2 August Gaitin skell declared of Nasser: 'It is all very
familiar. It is exactly the same as that arms we encountered from Mussolini and
Hitler in those years before the war. the The headline of the
that time controlled by Nasser was 'No more Hitlers'
But if the reaction of Gaitskell was policy to be expected govern- disgraceful of all from a socialist point opened of view was the initial role played by
was refusing to debate in the even the existence of the Bevan
opposed the night to
$70 million
that the its invasion,
more pilable.
later, British Gaitskell The British The
action
comment to the
on our departure
and that careful
*A hinge
ay the Guardiane and
Guardian
La high point of
and made
leadership began
following the na-
Party leader •We deeply
by Ene Egyptiar In the debate in the
Daily Herald, the TUC,
then perhaps most
Aneurin Bevan. At the time of the first
House of Commons, approached Amery, leader of the group of Tory MPs who
British withdrawal from Egypt in 1954, and told him: "This proves you were right.' Bevan refused to accept Egypt's right to own the waterway which ran through its own territory and declared: "If the sending of one's police and soldiers into the darkness of
seize somebody else's poperty is nationalisation, then Ali Baba used the wrong terminology.'
Even in December 1956, when Britain had been forced out of Egypt after
Bevan still stated: We have never taken the position that in the exercise of sovereign rights Egypt has the right to inflict a mortal wound upon the commerce of the world.' The seeds of Bevan's capitulation a yea
when he came out in favour of nuclear weapons witn the notorious remark that British unilateral nuclear disarmament would send a . foreign secretary naked into the conference chamber', was already present in his reaction to Suez. Tribune, to its credit, made it clear it was completely against a military attack on Egypt
however differed from Eden on one decisive point. He made it clear that he was prepared to use force against Egypt but only if it were sanctioned by the United Nations. And the United Nations, in the world of the 1950s, was controlled by the United States. Gaitskell, in short, made it clear that he was prepared to back a military invasion of Egypt only if the United States agreed to it.
US however, for its owr reasons made clear from the beginning that while it was concerned by Nasser's activity it was against an invasion ol Egypt. The US both feared that such an
would lead to widespread disorder throughout the Middle East, threatening its interests, and also aimed to displace British influence in the area
The American secretary of state John Foster Dulles proposed an international company to run the canal as an
alternative to Egyptian nationalisatio
or it — ana got baen s support for cal plan. But when Nasser rejected this proposal the US did nothing. Dulles, when accused in private by Eden of selling Britain out over the plan cynically replied: "There is talk of teeth being pulled out of the plan, but I know of no teeth: there were no teeth in it.
It was at this point that Eden took * British and French troops land in Egypt
Page 7 scan of this page
fateful decision which led to the
acle at Suez. If the United States
Hormot back Britain. then Britain
ald act without it as a 'great power'.
British embassy in Washinton was
without an ambassador for a mon-
Britain stepped up its coordination
other allies for the attack on
Britain
collides with
Nasser ...
nd the United States
TE FRENCH government had
involved in British plans for attach 154 pe belloth gainst
rebellion such rule in Algeria had broken a Nasser supported the Algerian
donal Liberation its war for Algerian pendence, The French ser bros for winning the
plans winning gerian war. France had been supting arms to the Isrealis -* also wanted the weakening of Rypt.
British, French and Israeli agreemat to attack Egypt was rapidly arrivat. In a secret treaty concluded at
France, on 22 October it was
eed that Israel would invade Egypt
end of October. ince would then declare that the Suez
al was endangered. This would be rowed by an ultimatum to the Egypin government to allow British and ench troops to enter the country to afeguard' the canal.
29 October, in line with
Israel invaded Egypt.
Eden, in a direct lie to the House •Commons, declared: 'Five days ago as was recelved that the pernment were taking
sures of mobilisations. dy's government at once instructed * Majesty's ambassador at Tel Aviv make enquiries of the Israeli minister
foreign affairs and traint. Eden then stated: :In the meantime, as a result of the
the United have
thwith and to withdraw their
Furthermore. separate the
move temporarily
both have not undertaken to with these requirements,
against
planes began bombing Front (FLN)
in-
wanted
refused to
who ing on Port Said and Port Faud.
Britain's power
posed. The US
of a severity it has never templated against South Africa.
Britain and
its funds from the On 30 Oc- Dound.
, of the exchequer, wrote:
Israel certain
Her Ma-
urge the second was
forgive.
consultations held in London today,
Kingdom and French now addressed urgent communications to the governments of Egypt and Israel. In these we have called upon both sides to stop all warlike action by land, sea and air for-
Imitals forces to a distance of 10 miles from the
belligerents and to guarantee freedom of transit through the canal by the ships of all nations, we have asked the Egyptian government to agree that Anglo-French forces should
•• into key positions at Port Said, Ismailia and Suez.
"The governments of Egypt and Israel have been asked to answer this
It has been made clear to them that, if
comply British and French forces will intervene in whatever strength may be necessary to secure
On 31 October British and French
Egypt. On 1 November the United Nations general assembley passed a United States motion demanding an immediate ceasefire by 64 votes to 5 with 6 abstentions. Bri-
take the warning seriously and on 5 November British and French parachutists began dropp
It was then that the harsh realities of
in the world were exbegan applying economic sanctions against Britain -
even conUS Federal Reserve Bank began selling The weak towards pounds in large quantities. One sixth of British gold and dollar reserves disappeared in a single day as the British George government attempted to defend the value of the pound. The US also began, illegally, to block British withdrawal of (ment
the Monetary Fund to use to defend the
rationing.
Harold Macmillan, then chancellor
would not have been unduly concerned had we declare been able to obtain either the money to December which we are entitled from the International Monetary Fund or, better still, some aid by way of a temporary loan from the United States. The refusal of
understandable; the obstruction of the first is not easy to gering,
tionalist
Eden at the 1956 Suez conference: a fraud to try and line up other European powers behind Britain
We had a perfect right under the statutes to ask for the repayment of the British quota. I telephoned urgently to New York; the matter was referred to Washington. • I received the reply that the American government would not agree to this technical procedure until we had agreed a ceasefire ... I was a form of pressure altogether unworthy. It contrasted strangely with the
allituac of the Americans Egyptian funds and counts" after the seizure of the canal.'
US Secretary …ot the "reasur
Humphrey put it still bluntly to Macmilian: 'You will not get a dime from the United States govern-
• until you have gotten out of Suez? The United States also refused to supply oil to Britain - forcing the British government to introduce petrol
Within 24 of the British troops landing they forced to
ceasefire. the end of British and French forces ment had been humiliated. On n-
humiliated.
January 1957, two months after the invasion of Suez, Eden resigned
The international impact was stag-
Nasser, and the Arab nawon
crushing victory against Britain. It had been demonstrated openly that Britain was incapable of taking any major international initiative independently of the United States publicly the end of Britain as a 'great power' which could be considered even in the same breath as the United States or the Soviet Union.
In i terms British government tried to avoid ad"ac- mitting anything had changed. Macmillan, in his first broadcast as prime more 'Every now and again since the war I have heard people say: only a second- or third-class now? Isn't she on the way out?" What nonsense. [his is a great: country and do not let us be ashamed to say so Twice in my lifetime I have heard the same old tale about our being a second rate power, and I have lived to see the answer . more defeatist talk powers and of dreadful things to come. Britain has been great, is great, and will stay great provided we close our ranks and get on with the job.'
Randolph Churchill, speaking the same year, could declare: 'Britain can knock down twelve cities in the region of Stalingrad and Moscow from bases
idle and Far East. century.
Wak
of the
empire. only
new Suez announced
present day
of public relations the
nounced:
power. 1957, declared
'Isn't Britain
world.
to gain admittance.
already So do not let us have any
of second-rate
the
Socialist Actión 7 Nov 1986 in Britain and another dozen in the Crimea from bases in Cyprus. We did not have that power at the time of Suez We are a major power again.' In 1958 there were still over 100,000 members of the British armed forces in the Mid-
But behind the rhetoric the real consequences were devasting and rapidly absorbed. In January 1957 the new defence secretary, Duncan Sandys, announced probably the most thorough going peace time military
The ending of conscription announced The size of British armed forces were cut by half. British military spending fell from 7.6 per cent
economy in 1956to to per percent in 1962. In 1960 Macmillan made his tamous winds of change speech in Cape Town announcing the British intention of withdrawal from its African
The remnants of the old British empire were then rapidly desmantled in 1957 Ghana, Sudan and Malaya hac gained independence. But in 12 years after Suez more than 20 states gained independence from Britain. By 1980
Gibralter, Hong Kong, the 'Falklands' and a few other imperial outposts remainded. In the Middle East itself Suez was followed by the overthrow of the Iraqi monarchy in 1958, a
revolution Syria and destablisation which has lasted until the
The tidying up came later. In 1968 Denis Healey formally announced the end of all British military presence 'east of Suez.' In 1969 the same Healey an-
'Britain's transformation from a world power to a European
As Britain could no longer sustain its independent imperial role on the old basis it sought a new position in the
In 1961 Macmillan took the fateful decision to apply for membership of the EEC - although it took a further eleven years before Britain was
But in one month
1956 a British Empire which had
been dying was publicly Slaughtered in front of the world.
Suez was the event it British post war history. Nasser is one of the greatest heroes of the Arab world. For his role in killing off the remnants of the British Empire he also deserves a place in the list of heroes of
British socialist movement. The world we live in today is still shaped by these events of thirty years ago.
Page 8 scan of this page
8 Socialist Action 7 Nov 1986
Thatcher's dirty
game against Syria
THE BRITISH government country of 'terrorism' must be one of the sickest jokes of ail time. After all the British ruling class spent three centuries conquering the world. It occupied many of the countries of the Middle East and carried out ruthless repression there. For Britain to be now offering homilies to Syria on the necessity to strug-
against 'terrorism', diplomatic relations with it, simply reflects British hypocrisy, nothing more.
What really lies behind the 'Hindawi affair' is Britain and the United States stepping up another notch their offensive in the Middle East. It is part of the process that started with the US bombing of Libya last year.
The United States, Britain and Israel have enjoyed significant suecesses in their Middle East Camp David Accords between Egypt and Israel which took the most powerful Arab country out of the battle line with the Israeli state, allowed Israel to invade Lebanon.
Organisation (PLO) suffered a defeat because of the assistance in driven out of Lebanon itself by the resistance of the Lebanese people to it. Syria then acted to split
As a states, Libya and Syria - together with the PLO — continued to stand out against US and Israeli policy the Middle East. and attack all of them.
The first object of attack chosen was the PLO — whose declared objectives are in practice rejected by every Arab government in the region. Che United States, ted to force the PLO to officially recognise the state of Israel and its occupation of Palestine. This failed when Israel made it clear that it intended to offer the Palestinians nothing meaningful at all — and all it was interested in was total surrender b! the PLO. This the latter refused to
breakdown discussion for a 'solution' to the Palestinian questio The second attack was then launched on Libya. A frame up of the Libyan government for so called 'terrorist acts' was launched. At least one high US government official, Secretary of State for Public Affairs, has resigned as a result of the direct lies told by the US government in building up its campaign against Syria. 'Ihis campajen was then used as g 'iustitication for the bombing of Tripoli and Bengazi. Britain was used as a political, not military, reasons.
Syria, however, is the hardest target for the US and Britain to attack. It nas a tar bigger popula• tion than Libya. It is less isolated. tantly it has the heaviest direct military support of the Soviet Union of any country in the Middle East. deciding to have a direct military confrontation with Syria.
The United States and Britain have therefore set about whipping up a campaign against Syria and attempting to isolate it. • RANAIORNRICAHOARAESOHHUH those in Berlin earlier this year — have instead now been 'reconsidered' and responsibility assigned to Syria instead. Whether or not Syria was involved in the Hindawi bombing, and on that we trust the British government not one inch, it was simply used as a pretext for Thatcher's campaign against Syria.
If an act of terrorism had been carried out by a government with whom Britain was friendly
SeeT with French Greenpeace ship Rainbow Zealand — then the entire affair would have been hushed up. Britain instead broke off diplomatic rélatins to attempt to force its behind its, and the US, new drive against Syria. It was the same tactics as over the bombing of Libya.
When the United States bombed Libya from Britain there was a storm of condemnation in Britain. There should be equal opposition to the breaking of diplomatic relations with Syria — and support for the Syrian retaliatory measures.
Thatcher was directly complicit in the US bombing of Libya — including the killing of children and civilians that involved. This was the greatest act of terrorism in the Middle East in recent times. For the same Thatcher now to be handing out lessons to anvone on "terrorism' has the tvoica smell of British philistine hypoerisy about it. It is to be totally condemned, and diplomatic relations with Syria resumed.
accusing any and severing
last ten years. The signing of the
The Palestine Liberation
Arab regimes to come to its
result of these moves only two major
Imperialism has
together with Jordan, attemp-
accept. The of the Jordan-PLO
Bernard Kalb the Assistant
base for that attack for primarily Israel has thought carefully about
This is why various - as bombing. ot the Warrior New
EEC partners
Letters
Sinn Fein
councillor
visits
Coventry
Councillor Lij
Nuannois dcowi Falls, Belfast), was invited to Coventry and Leamington Spa by the •Labour Committee or Ireland to speak about the oppression of the community which elected her. In her ward, there is 82 per cent unemployment and a COLal RuSaAay presence. Her own son was interned without charge or trial at the age of 16
Her visit was sponsored by 12 local councillors, the Coventry Trades Council and nine other local organisations including the Irish in Britain Representation Movement, and local Movement, branch Labour Parties and women's sections
The response of the local Tory establishment was ilic iale Tory leader of Warwick district council, Ken Rawnsley, called for a boycott of the meetings she was to address. The Labour Committee on Ireland responded by inviting him on to the platform at Leamington's Spa Centre to discuss the issues with Liv ritzsimmons, Ise refused and renewed his boycott call.
But it was not only the Tories who called for a boycol. t nere were hostile statements from Lalou COCOS DI Coventry city council and Warwick district council, who attacked Sinn Fein and the LCI but made no mention of Britain's oppression of nationalists in Ireland. In this climate, a group claiming to be the Midlands Unit of the Loyalist Action Horce/ Lova Sons of Ulster rang the Regional Central TV and the local Mercia Sound radio to issue death threats against Lily and the local councillors sponsoring her trip. These were broadcast, and Central 'v told its viewers that police were taking the threats to 'eliminate' all who 'even indirectly' supported Irish Republicanism very
Both Lily and the
a piece of the
I find this ver
hard to credit...
You actually belleve
all this astrology
Scrap?!?
Ine nead
ousce
They
a quarter.
Sir Dudley
He
- but Of course! And look! The moon!
With Jupiter in conjunction... and...
lesson in Irish politics, and may just have learnt that violence is not the product of the Republican movement.
Tony Wheeler
Again on
Zionism
As a Jew, and just as importantly, as a socialist, 1 was angercu py lowy Greenstein's letter in Socialist Action (issue no 147), and would like to make a few points in response. I do, however feel that there is a need for more serious discussion.
For Greenstein to imply that zionists were in part responsible for the
lazi holocaust, Czarist Russia, etc, is not only factually incorrect, it is also deeply insulting to the millions of Jews, zionists and non-zionists, who suffered immeasurably uuuc cice Iczllcs.l .was after all the refusal of any other country to take Jewish refugees that led to Hitler's 'final solution'. In aacnon, nolocals. survivors were denied entry to every countrv in the world. It is scarcily surprising therefore that many entered Palestine illegally as their last refuge. Greenstein constantly tries to paint zionism as some sort of evil ideology. Surely, the desire of Jewish people for a homeland is no more
are going to continue their attacks on workers, woren, the irish, blacks, the old, the...
inherently racist than any
other national liberation struggle?
Remarks made by Dave King at NUS conference were clearly and undisputably antisemitic. It'is only sad that some anti-racists who heard these remarks are seeming y not aware of the nature or manifestations oi anti-semitism apparent subscription to the "World Jewish Conspiracy Theory' caused great concern to ulany conaues alel hearing a transcript of his 'specan, Lecus Umiversily Labour Club, which comprises many shades of political thought (including supporters ot Socialist Action), unanimously passed a resolution condemning Dave King for his antiscuulic lendus dnd asking for his selection as a parliamentary candidate to be reconsidered. This was not a sinister plot ulascnumrocuovune Union of Jewish Students as inferred by Greenstein but a stand taken by socialists against antisemitism in the labour
Just as Palestinians nave a rieht to live treg from persecution, and to be able to express theit religious and cultural identity, these rights have Occu ucucu lo Jews io centuries in many parts of the world and are denied to them at present in the Soviet Union in a most vicious manner. 'Io fight for the liberation of Soviet Jewry is not reactionary as Greenstein states, but
help yourself!
PART OF Socialist Action's struggle for financial support is our grand Xmas draw. First prize is the new Amstrad personal computer (the PC 1512) or the latest Sharp video.
Readers up and down the country report easy sales at their workolaces
EnDablonh 1 is to sell 10,000
Order raise a profit me £1,500. This TOT the
UclCrmucu for.3 Tickets sell for f1
Target Sale 120
640 40|
520 Don't tell me. It means that the Tories
Debate
should be a natural task
for a non-racist socialist
movement.
Sophie Nicol
SSiN
clams up
It is unfortunate that
Socialist Action will not.
give us a space we need to
reply to Polly Vittorini's
attack on SSiN (Socialist
Action no 151, 24
Oçtober), and we consider
this particularly ironic
given Socialist Action's
cries of foul when they claim that Socialist
Organiser refused to give
Dave King from Lancs
Poly the right to reply -
even though Socialist
Organiser say they never
recelved an article trom
King. Polly abuses us throughout her 488 words and we are not able to
adequately reply in the 400 WOrS wenaye beellea • we Have bccll lola d our maximum.
It is not possible to even start to reply here, save to say, we can test all the allegations Polly makes and are more than willing to debate her about the article about labour students and NUS at any time in any college and to say that the next SSir bulletin and the SSiN column in Socialist Organiser will be carrying both Polly Vittorini's allicie ana our reply. Jane Ashworth
* Socialist Action offered SSiN space to reply to the article by Polly Vittorini in OU NU NIC
Help Socialist Action,
PC 1512 Liverpool 200 Manchester 920 Newport 480 Nottingham O OIK. 640 E London 1240 NW London 520 SE London N London 520 OW London 760 SW London 360
ocormac-t
Heavens above: Does it mean that?! I thought it merely indicated a clear doudless sky!
Page 9 scan of this page
permanent revolution?
In Depth
F THE theory of permanent revolu-
tion now demands the greatest atten-
tion from every Marxist, course of the class and ideological
struggle has fully and finally raised
this • quesuon from the
reminiscences over old differences of opinion among Russian Marxists, and converted it into a question of the
character, the inner connections and
methods of the international revolu-
tion in general.
2. With regard to countries with a belated bourgeois especially the colonial. colonial countries, permanent revolution the complete and genuine solution of their tasks of achieving democracy and national emancipation is conceivable only through the dictatorship of the proletariat as the leader of the subjugated nation, above all of its peasant masses.
3. Not only the agrarian, but also the national question assigns to the peasantry - the overwhelming majority of the population in backward countries - an exceptional place in the democratic revolution. an alliance of the proletariat with the peasantry the tasks of the democratic revolution cannot be solved, nor even seriously posed. But the alliance of these two classes can be realised in no other way than through an irreconcilable struggle against the influence of the national-liberal bourgeoisie. episodic stages of the revolution may 4. No aratleı windl be in the individual countries, realisation of the alliance between the proletariat and the peasantry conceivable under the political leadership of the proletarian vanguard, the Communist Party.
This in turn means that the victory of the democratic revolution is conceivable only throught he dictatorship of the proletariat which bases itself upon the alliance with the peasantry and solves first of all the tasks of the democratic revolution.
5. Assessed historically, slogan of Bolshevism tauc uclalorsnio or tne proletariat and peasantry' - expressed precisely the above-characterised relationship of the proletariat, the peasantry and the liberal bourgeoisie. confirmed by experience October.
But Lenin's old formula did not settle in advance the problem of what the reciprocal relations would be between the proletariat and the peasantry within the revolutionary bloc. In other words, the tormula deliberately tained Cer al algebraic willch naa lo make way for precise arithmetical quantities in the VIULED However, the MAiOnedl latter showed,
under circumstances that exclude any
misinterpretation, matter how great the revolutionary role of the peasantry may be, it nevertheless cannot be an independent rofe and even less a leading one.
The ocasalt IOHOWS either worker or the bourgeois. This means that the 'democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry is only conceivable as a dictatorship of the noiciuli that tenies the masses behind it.
6. A democratic dictatorship of
THE
for the
realm of
democratic question, the development,
and semi- the the theory of the signitles that
democratic revolution itself.
Without the first
revolutionary
only
organised ir
case where revolutionary party the old
'the democ-
cabalils bourgeois
This has been
Lolaly oam e of
the last twenty-five years
petty-bourgeoisie's lack and political independence deep internal quality, more
experience.
and
Li cuic BUics Between Bolshevik power, the
no democratic workers and peasants. tusulis
What is
revolution is one of the most fun-
damental bases of Marxism in the
twentieth century. Already in the
19th century Marx had noted that
the capitalist class was no longer
prepared to fight for the demands
of the bourgeois democratic revolu-
tion - the thorough going elimina-
tion of medieval backwardness, the
creation of a unified nation, the
of the land establishment of
political liberty. Lenin had drawn
conciusion from this, at the
beginning of the twentieth century,
that the working class must lead the the proletariat and peasantry, as a regime that is distinguished from the dictatorship of the proletariat by its class content, might be realized only
CHICCL an independent could be CORstituted, expressing the interests of the
general of pettydemocracy Jalty capable of conquering power with this or inat degree ot ald from the pro letariat, and of determining its revolu-
As all modern history attests -especially the Russian experience of
all Hisulmountable obstacle on the road to the creation of a peasants' party is the
of economic and its differentiation. By reason of this the upper sections of the petty-bourgeoisie (of the peasantry) go along with the big bourgeoisie in all decisive cases, especially in war and in revolution; the lower. sections DlUUcily go along with the proletariat; the intermediate section being thus compelled to choose between the two ex-
Kereskyism and the between the Kuomintang and the dictatorship of the proletariat, there is not and cannot be any intermediate stage, that is,
dictatorship of the
7. The Comintern's endeavour to foist upon the Eastern countries the slogan of the democratic dictatorship
Trotsky developed Lenin's con-
clusion further to point out that on-
ly the seizure of state power by the
working class, the establishment of
the dictatorship of the proletariat,
would enable the carrying through
the completion of the tasks of the
democratic revolution. Trotsky put
this forward in the formula: "The
dictatorship of the proletariat
which has risen to power as the
leader revolution? the democratic
The events of the twentieth century have thoroughly confirmed Irotsky's analysis. The only countries in which the tasks of the democratic revolution -were carried through in a thorough gooi the proletariat and peasantry,
finally and long ago: exhausted by history, can have only a reactionary
SuSOTar this slogan counterposed to the slogan of the dictatorship of the proletariat, it contributes politically to the dissolution
proletariat In Ine bourgeois masses and thus creates the most favourable conditions IOT Ene hegemony of the national bourgeoisie and consequently for the collapse of the democratic revolution.
The introduction of this slogan into the programme of the Comintern is a direct betrayal of marxism and of the October tradition of Bolshevism.
8. The dictatorship of the proletariat which has risen to power as the leader of the democratic revolution is inevitably and very quickiy confronted with tasks, the fulfilment of which is bound up with deep inroads into the rights of bourgeois
The democratic revolution grows over directly into the socialist revolution and thereby becomes a permanent revolution.
9. The conquest of power by the proletariat does not complete revolution, but only opens it. Socialist construction is conceivable only on the foundation of the class struggle, on a national and international scale.
struggle, under the conditions of an overwhelming predominance of capitalist relationships on the world arena, must inevitably lead to explosions, that is, internally
ing fashion where those Russia, which the working class came to power and established the dictatorship of the proletariat. Where, on the contrary, the working class failed to establish its dietatorship — as in India, Egypt, Algeria, Zimbabwe and many other countries -the tasks of the democratic revolution were not aborted. National unity was not achiered, remnants of tribalism continued, the land question was not resolved, political liberty was not neo-colonial relations perialist powers were maintained.
theory written by Trotsky himself in the book Permanent Revolution. civil wars and externally to revoluționary wars. Therein lies the permanent character of the socialist revolution as such, regardless of whether it is a backward country that is involved, which only yesterday accomplished its democratic revolution, capitalist country which already has behind it a long epoch of democracy and parliamentarism.
10. The completion of the socialist revolution within national limits is unthinkable. One of the basic reasons for the crisis in bourgeois The fact created by it can no longer be reconciled with the framework of the national slalc From this follow, hand, imperialist wars, on the other, the utopia of a bourgeois States of Europe.
The socialist revolution begins on the national arena, it unfolds on the international arena, and is completed on the world arena. Thus, the socialist revolution becomer revolution in a newer and broader sense of the word; it attains completion only in the final victory of the new society on our entire planet. the 11. The above-outlined sketch of the development of the world revolution eliminates the question of countries that are 'mature' or for socialistn in the pedantic, lifeless classification given by the present Comintern. Insofar as capitalism has created a world market, a world divito sion of labour and world productive
economy
tatorship
which
therby democratic conciusion
such as
China, Cuba, Vietnam -
The carried through and were
with the imThe break The following brief summary of the permanent revolution was
Liballllg materials,
society in any
13. The
the
revolution revolution.
pletion
socialism 'neutralization bourgeoisie separable
For fall together.
By old socialism
sent policy
socieLy 1s that the productive forces
which dependent tasks. on the one
United hopeless theorv
Ilalicl permanent revolution 'immature' spirit of that
programme the
Socialist Action 7 Nov 1986 g
forces, it has also prepared world
La whole for socialist
transformation.
Different countries will go
through this process at different tem-
pos. Backward countries may, under
certain conditions, arrive at the dic-
• ot the procianal soone
than advanced countries, but they will
come later than the latter to socialism
backward colonial
colonial country, the proletariat of
is insufficiently prepared to
unite the peasantry and take power, is
incapable of bringing l t fi its Contrariwise, in a country where
the proletariat has power in its hands
as the result of the democratic revolu-
tion, the subsequent fate of the dic-
tatorship and socialism depends in the
last analysis not only and not so much
upon the national productive forces as
upon the development of the interna-
tional socialist revolution.
12. The theory of socialism in one
country, which rose on the yeast of the
reaction against October, is the only
theory that consistently and to the
very end opposes the theory of the
aWalc Il IColull
attempt of the epigones,
under the lash of our criticism, to
confine the application of the theory
of socialism in one country exclusive-
ly to Russia, because of its specific
characteristics (its vastness and its natural resources), does not improve
matters but only makes them worse.
with the internationalist positions always and invariably leads to national messianism, that is, to at-
special superiorities and qualities to one's own, country, which allegedly permit it to play a role to which other countries cannot attain
The world division of labour, the dependence of Soviet industry upon foreign technology, the dependence of the productive forces of the advanced countries of Europe upon Asiatic raw
etc etc., make the construction of an independent socialist
single country in the world impossible
theory of Stalin and Bukharin, running counter to the entire experience of the Russian revolution, not only sets up the democratic revolution mechanically in contrast to
socialist revoluiton, but makes a breach between the national
and international
The very seizure of power by the proletariat signifies, from the standpoint of the epigones theory, the com-
of the revolution ('to the extent of nine-tenths', according to Stalin's formula) and the opening the epoch of national reforms. The theory of the kulak growing into
and the theory of the world are consequently Infrom the theory of socialism in one country. They stand
the theory of national the Communist International is down-graded to an auxiliary weapon useful only for the struggle against military intervention. The pre-
of the : Comintern, its regime and the selection of its leading personnel correspond entirely to ine demotion of the Communist International to the role of an auxiliary unit
is not destined to solve in
14. The programme of the Comintern created by Bukharin is eclectic through and through. It makes the
attempt to reconcile the _ot socialism in one country with Marxist internationalism, which is, however, inseparable from the per-
character of the world
The struggle of the Communist Left Opposition for a correct policy and a healthy régime in the Communist International is inseperably bound up with the struggle for the Marxist programme. The problem of the permanent revolution long ago outgrown the episodic difference ot opinion between Lenin and Troi sky, which were completely exhaustes by history. The struggle is between tha basic ideas of Marx and Lenin on the one side and the eclecticism of thi cenuss on tne otnel
Page 10 scan of this page
ALLIANCE SOCIALISM 22-23 November
* £6 for the weekend, £3.50 per day (f4 and f2 unwaged) * Make cheques payable to Socialist Action Conference.
SPEAKERS Tony Benn Marc Wadsworth Betty Heathfield Kingsley Abrams Vladimir Derer Broadwater Farm Defence Committee Martin Collins Jeremy Corbyn
TICKETS Please send me..
Name ..
Address.
I/ We require
BUILDING •FOR
The second annual 'Alliance for Socialism' weekend of debate,
discussion, and agitation sponsored by Socialist Action. Linda Bellos Andrew Gamble Conor Foley John Harrison Amir Khan John Lang
* Sir William Collins School, London
tickets for 'Building an Alliance for Socialism'
Bill Etherington Diane Abbott FMLN/FDR Sinn Fein LCC Alan Meale Kevin Scally
No disabled access • places in the creche for children aged..
AN
Ann Pettifor Ken Livingstone Anne Suddick Jude Woodward African National Congress
* Which way for the left? * Which way for women
in the Labour Party? * Defending the black
communities * Trade unions and law * Justice for the miners * Lesbian and Gay
Liberation *The politics of
Campaign Forum *Fighting the witch hunt * Why Britain must
* The politics of Sinn Fein *Britain out of NATO, US
bases out of Britain * The strategy of
the ANC * For sanctions against
apartheid * Central America:
Reagan's Vietnam * Freedom for Palestine * Thatcherism and
the SDP * What is class politics? * A million jobs a year? * Chile since the coup * Labour's youth
movements * Against nuclear power
withdraw from Ireland
Page 11 scan of this page
reject Baker's ultimatum
In the Unions
tion, has decided to intervene in negotiations on pay and conditions in order to en-
once and for all. His message to the unions is a simple one -
union negotiators up to now it is quite likely that they will oblige and accept a deal in Nottingham from the Labour-led local education authorities this weekend which achieves all the government is intent on.
Teachers in England, Wales and Scotland are facing a massive challenge from the Tory government.
together will Malcolm Rifkind, secretary of state for scotlana are threatening introduce
proposals over the heads of the unions.
These proposals are linked to new conditions of employment which would, amongst other things, add
extra five days to the worklig ycal, duu all Esta two hours at least onto the
week and make teachers totally subservient
the demano of
The right wing leadership of the National Union of Teachers laid the basis for Baker's intervention by their decision to accept the proposals put forward in Coventry by the Labour-led local education authorities in September. posals were in fact nothing
of those put forward by Sir Keith Joseph in 1984 which
WAPPING
Women Against
Murdoch formed
WAPPING PRINTWORKERS powerful ally in their renewed fight which rejected Murdoch's offer with increased numbers. It is the formation of WAM, a printworkers women's support group (Women Against Murdoch). Its launch, nine months after the dispute began, determination and spirit to win. Last week over 50
mainly relatives of the printers, cluding sacked women on the map at Wapping.
'It's about time' was the view of many of the women who attended the meeting.
Drawing on the lessons Women Against Pit Closures those women realised how such a powerful force can be built. The unity and determination expressed at the meeting another blow to the divide and rule tactics of the
and a reply to the DUSSCS.
TUC and Labour Party leadership.
The women started with a bang. The meeting last
on to Wapping where they led the march down to the picket. In the opinion of manv thev made the biggest impact for some months.
The full force of the law was there to greet them. Four women were arrested and
charged with actual bodily harm putting detence work high on the agenda of the new movement.
On the Saturday following women again led, beind the Jarrow marchers, and organised their own stal selling badges and retreshments to raise funds.
Hardship is now taking a toll amongst many families.
Teachers-
KENNETH BAKER, secretary of state for educa.-
the teachers'
sure that a deal is reached which ties down teachers
either you put the noose round your own neck or I'll do it for you! Given the record of the
objectives that the Tory
were rejected outright by
the same NUT leadership.
The pay deal offered is,
of course, dressed up to
make it look attractive but it
does nothing to restore the
34 per losses which
teachers have suttered over
the last 12 years. Both the
offer from Baker to
teachers in England and
Wales and Rifkind's offer to
Scottish teachers are to be
spread over a lwo year
period. They are presented
as 'indivisible packets' and
tney are designca to denvel
a compliant workforce into
at school and local authori-
ty level.
1 ne report on leachers
Scotland, called the Main and conditions
Report, went further and
proposed that an indepen-
dent review body be set up
to determine teachers pay
on a two year basis. In his
statement to the House of
Commons Baker did not go
so far as this but he
threatening to scrap the cur-
Jay negotiating have found
shows renewed
and inworkers, decided to put
Part of the effort to raise
funds will be to make sure
By Denny Fitzpatrick
printers families and kids
have a good Christmas.
But as the miners wives
LONDON MACHINE O.G.AL
By Bernard Regan NUT executive (personal capacity)
machinery and bring in legislation to establish new procedures.
Both north and south of the border massive opposiagainst these deals ast against these deals. weck we biggest teacners
Scotland the Educational Scotland (EIS) agreed to recommend to its special general meeting in Edinburgh Saturday November an outright re. jection of Rifkind's offer and dustrial action to pursue their demands.
On the same day in Nottingham teachers from all over England and will be gathering to express
opposition employers new set of proposals which will be tabled for discussion at a residen-
and Women Against Pit Closures showed, it is their political DUUUUIl which builds the unity and confidence of workers in struggle. Arenev Ine women have decided to get letters out to all possible women, via the sacked printers, appealing ment. They plan to organise their own march at Wapping and to lobby Fleet Street printers to get behind the
They will visiting trade union branches and factories not only to raise finances but also to build the boycott of Mur-
titles. Further demonstrations also Diannea. ner and badge available soon the women are ciearly on the march.
BRANCH
tial meeting taking piace between the two sides. The second largest teachers organisation England
Owes. the Association of Schoolmasters/Union Women Teachers (NAS/UWT), will also be demonstrating in the town but their general secretary Fred Smithies has refused the proposal London NAS/UWT to invite a speaker from the In ner London branch of the NUT to address their rally.
If a deal is stitched up this weekend it will be put to The NUT executive Wednesday 12 November. Assuming ther ratity agreement special ference will be held on 29 November and the recommendation from it will be put to all the membership
y way of ballot before th
end of Decembe
An effective campaign nak been launched by militants in both Scotland
The Cam paign for a Fighting Union (CAFU) based in Glasgow has led the move establish a united left position through the Scottish Federation of Socialist Teachers, whilst in England and Wales the Socialist Teachers' Alliance has been organising through the local Association Pay Ac tion Conference (LAPAC, to bring together all those opposed to the sell-out and
fight Baker's manoeuvres.
New Murdoch
manoeuvre
raises stakes
NEWS INTERNATIONAL boss, Rupert Murdoch, has again raised in the dispute by appealing over the heads of the unions to sacked printers to individually accept his last offer which was overwhelmingly rejected in a recent ballot.
The H110 1 has
6,0UU SAL
NEWS
INTERNATION
DISPUTE
COCAT NGA AUL
The Tories are not just out to get teachers however Baker has made it clear tha
wallli allack the whole of the education
bringing back Dysleill. forms of selection.
The fact that the further educatior union, NATHE, has rejected similar deal opens up the prospect of a united fight in LIC CONCALUE SCIOE
A major missing factor 1o luclack ul ally ODDUsILIl within the Labour Party to the right wing leadership of the local eduation bodies. It
their proposals, sup-
Labour Party politicians, like Frances Morrell, leader of the Inner London Education Authority, which have opened the way for Baker.
The NUT leaders, like Kinnock, firmly believe that
settle a dea. with Labour now it will be better than having one imposed bi the Tories. At a time when the NUT is losing members they believe that the way to solve the crisis in education is to get on good terms witt the shadow cabinet in order to be looked on favourably in the event of a Labour victory
It should come as no surprise that one of the Chel airenect or this strategy is NUT general : secretary, Fred who also happens to be this year's president of the TUC! countered by calling a mass meeting to be addressed by SOGAT president Brenda Dean, on the day the offer expires on 10 November.
Meanwhile, organisation of support for the strike is developing further.
By Brian Grogan
The North London district of the engineers union has
port group. One thousand
lobbied the eleancer AEU's national executive meeting at the South Lon don headquarters president Bill Jordan exed 'full support' for their fight. Jordan in fact had recommended acceptance of Murdoch's last offer
been announced that the north west region 01 the transport union to institute disciplinary proceedings
drivers doch's transport company, TNT. who ale lciusile union instructions not to distribute News InternaDone Tired
Hu lie wake die Suc cessful of Mur-
IC CULIU doch's 'final offer' in the recent ballot support groups up and down the country are beginning to revive. An important national will be the unions lobby of parilamen early December.
engineers
is a must for all engineers. hours
demands. The unions offered to concede: different unions.
want us to work extra hours when busy rejection of these negotiations.
mand fluctuates.
their proposals.
our conditions.
Borderway
fightback
on Wednesda
By Bob Smith
hour and receive
minutes notice from their employer
ingham B3 IJG i embers el m99059.
Socialist Action 7 Nov 1986 11
Crunch issue for
THE LEFT in the AEU smell blood in their year long campaign io stop a catastrophic dose of new realism. Convenors and stewards who worked to get Bill Jordan elected president of the ABU are today organising petitions and attending stewards meetings to oppose Jordan's plans. The AEU Broad Left has called a lob. by of the Confederation of Ship Building and Engineering Unions (CSEU) executive committee meeting on 6 November. This is expected to be the biggest such lobby for many years and
So what's it all about? In January 1985 Terry Duffy led the engineering unions in accepting a national minimum wage for a skilled engineer of $96.20. In exchange for this far from generous offer from the Engineering Employers Federation (EEF), our national agreements. The national agreemènts protect our wages and conditions and should no even be considered for use as bargaining pawns. The employers added the carrot of reducing working
and the stick that all cuts in working hours would have to be financed by members sacrifices.
In July the Financial Times leaked the unions own proposals for conceding many of the employers
• Complete flexibility. Workers 'will perform any task within the scope of their capabilities regardless of whether the task forms part of their normal work. and regardless of whether or not the task is tradi. tionallv nerformed by members of another union.' • No demarcations: 'unions and their members will cooperate with the employer in eliminating unnecessary job demarcations between members of • Management control: 'the employer shall determine the production hours necessary on a weekly, monthly, quarterly or annual basis.' The employers
• say 55 — and when les busy to work a 25 hour week to average it out.
The unions made this suicidal proposal but still the employers didn't say what cut in the working week was on offer. Of course such weakness in the face of the employers only encourages them. The EEF now wants concessions on negotiating procedures and stewards rights. These negotiations have been carried out by a CSEU sub-committee • The secrecy with which this sub-committee has been operating has fuelled the widespread suspicion and
The employers' image of the future is clear. They want an industry of flexible workers who can be moved between jobs at the whim of management. By increasing the proportion of these workers on short term contracts, casual labour, or 'contracted out', ley want to aner be size or we worklorce as de
Unsocial hours, no dispute agreements, and sweetheart single union deals where militant trade unionists will not be tolerated, are
The defeat of this deal would be a gain for millions. The negotiations directly affect one million workers in federated companies. But two million more employed in the industry, and many further afield, would be directly affected by this rewrite of
• Lobby the CSEU executive on 6 November, 9 am at the Imperial Hotel, Russell Square, London WCI
TASS CRAFT (Metal Mechanics) have called a mass picket of Borderway PIC, Catherine Street, Aston,
• 12 November from 7 am to 5 pm They are mobilising the Birmingham Labour move-
ment to support it. The owner of Borderway sacked its entire workforce on 19 August. A militant picket has been mounted on his premises ever since.
In April the 20 workers applied for membership of TASS craft. The union's initial application for recognition and negotiating rights was ignored by the company. Following this the workers refused overtime and shift working without extra payment on the hourly rate. They faced arrogant intimidation from the company but stood firm. Despite the profitability of this metal pressings company, the wage rates are poor. Four male setters receive f2.49 per hour and 16 women operators are on a miserly £1.40
no payment when the machinery is being retooled or breaks down.
When the two shop stewards approached Mr Nemeshanyi, the owner, to express the unanimous dissatisfaction of their colleagues, and warned that industrial sanctions could follow, they received 20
• Messages of support and donations, which are desperately needed, should be sent to TASS Craft (Metal Mechanics) Sector, 70 Lionel Street, Birm-
Page 12 scan of this page
North CLP
KNOWSLEY NORTH Labour Party met last Sunday and decided to decline the 'advice' of the NEC to select George Howarth as its parliamentary candidate in the by-election which is now underway. Instead Knowsley has decided to continue its fight for the right to choose its own candidate against the undemocratic imposition of a candidate by the national party. In October the Knowsley GC voted to boycott the election campaign — but recognised the right of individual party members to participate. These decisions reflect the strength of feeling that exists locally precedented ference and impose a pro-leadership candidate on Knowsley North.
dent to take the witch hunt in the party one step further, by intervening to stop a local party selecting a left winger. It is no accident that the front runner in the constituency, Les Huckfield, is a member of the Campaign Group of MPs, the only serious alternative in parliament to the line of moving to the right to try to win the next election. A central part of Kinnock's course is trampling right of the party's HUCKFIELD explains
it contains for every single constituency. THE Labour Party is pro bably unique throughou Europe in permitting a loca. choice parliamentary candidates. In socialist parties in Europe, to varying degrees, the party hierarchy picks the candidate.
The Labour Party nablunting local choice of candidates. Hitherto it has relied mainly on its power to retuse endorsement. But.
Knowsley North precedent this context, is especially worrying.
Right from the start national otticials insisted that central office would take OVCI the running of the campaign. Knowsley was told it could have a 'free selection Road would campaign and y the
the whole selection process would be organised by the regiona
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SOCiAList
ACTION
Defend Knowsley
against the national executive's undecision to prevent a selection con-
After Blackpool the party leadership felt confi-
on the democratic rank and file. LES the significance of the Knowsley North decision and the enormous dangers
office.
From that day on they have set up office, brought natona socakes trailed prominent MPs around the constituency with hardly a word of consultation with the CLP. The Knowley party officers usually know of the they see them on TV.
Well before the conclusion of the NEC's 'enquiry' into tne Merseyside East Euro-CLP, full-time officials were openly preparing members for an NEC imposed candidate.
Throughout all of this there had not been one complaint about the selection process.
Clearly the national exCCULVC HOLC WON DUIC political. This was why it was so vital that Knowsley North CLP should test out the NEC's powers in court.
The executive relied
SUBSCRIBE
mainly on clause XIV, section 5 of CLP rules, under which it can 'advise a constituency on a nomination, and clause IX section 4 of
adjudicate disputes. (The fact that the
didn't even know there was any dispute within its ranks was something on which affidavits were provided for the court.)
Knowley did not lose its case. All that happened
in the Hịgh Con the High on October 23
Court and the Cothe HAp October High peal - they were denied the
ight to have a trial of the NEC's powers Knowsley North nominations closed on 3 November.
That's why Knowsley comrades still feel that these
powers to impose a can-
didate need be tested quickly, lest the leadership now feels it has acquired by default the right not only to impose candidates in all Tuture by-elechols bul
intervene politically in all
through their refuse chubiscuicill. If the NEC wants to
play power politics,
constituency parties beware
Though assurances have
OCCI given shadow
cabinets and the PLP that the Knowsley precedent will not be repeated, what is there now to stop it?
The trade unions affiliated to Knowsley North have formed a committee to
democracy the
constituency and to raise
the f7000 for legal bills still
outstanding. We hope you
will respond not just in
their interest but in yours as
well.
Donations and messages support for Anowsel
North should be
Maguit, 65 Cop-
plehouse Lane, Fazakerley,
Liverpool L10.
Free Book Offer!
Take out a years inland subscription and we will send you free one of these books: Justice: The Miners Strike 1984-85 by the Campaign Group of Labour MPs
)n Afro American Histor
By Malcolm ›
OR The Struggle is My Life by Nelson Mandela
Sanctions Now!
Speakers include:
Shilongo of SWAPO, and more. THE death
side South Motors
gained by the liberation movements in the 1970s.
A decade and a half ago the whole of southern Africa seemed a bastion of
supremacy. Apartheid was solidly in place in South Africa which also directly Namibia. Portuguese colonline still ruled over Angola and Mozambique. lan Smith's Rhodesia seemed secure.
But things were not as they seemed. The liberation struggles In lie Atrican colonies were on the verge of toppling the white regimes. Their first major success came 1974.
Under the combined weight of its own internal problems and, decisively. under the impact of the African liberation movements, the Portuguese dictatorship toppled The demoralised Portuguese colonial regimes in Guinea Bissau, Angola, and Mozambique were unable to keep power. New governments,
the liberation movements, seized trol.
South Africa im-
March and Rally on Saturday 8 November sponsored by the NW Region
TUC, NW Region Labour Party and Greater Manchester AAM
Assemble 11.30am, All Saints, Oxford Rd, Manchester
Norman Willis, Dennis Skinner, Stave Gawe of the ANC, Selma
South Africa's war
of Samora Machel brought to the world's attention South Africa's hidden war against the states on its borders. Whilst the struggle against apartheid continues to develop in-
Africa, as the recent strikes at General and in the gold mines demonstrate, the forces of apartheid are attempting to safeguard their northern borders and create to totally pliable client regimes in the "frontline' states. Apartheid is carrying out a massive counter attack against the victories
mediately acted to protect its interests in the region.
It wanted the whole subBy Pete Evans
continent as a market for its goods and investment, as well as a source of raw materials — an area to be sucked dry for the profit ot apartheid.
Moreover, the veration of liberation movements beacon of hope for the black population of South Africa That inspiration needed to be extinguished lest the black majority was inspired to follow the example of Angola and Mozambique.
Angola was the first victim of apartheid's counter attack. A government led by the main MPLA, had taken over from the Portuguese with mass support. Exploiting divisions that amongst the liberation movements there with the existence ot tribally-based organisations the FNLA and
against its neighbours
was militarily able to in-
tereroin an attemptA
overthrow government
Fighting alongside UNITA, which now openly sided with imperialism, South African forces penetrated deep inside Angolan territory The MPLA called for the aid
Cubar TOOS together they were able to inflict a bloody defeat on the apartheid army and its allies — the first defeat of the modern South African forces at the hands of a black army.
The Angolan intervention of 1975 backfired on the aparthied government. its defeat helped to inspire the black youth in Soweto and elsewhere who rose in rev Then, in 199y are
Then, 1979, Smith
government Rhodesia fell. • After a feeble attempt to set ur puppet government the Mugabe-led Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) government was overwhelmingly elected in-
which was renamed Zim babwe. This was an enormous new blow to apar theid.
But South Africa has continued a •sir all the destabilisation
states. organised economic
sanctions, cutting trade routes. etc), direct military intervention into Angola and commando raids into other countries, and supporting
proxy 'contra' forces, such as the MNR in Mozambique and UNITA in Angola. The new South African offensive against
which will be stepped up still further after the death of Samora Machel, is the continua tion of that policy. Lesotho where the South Africans organised the overthrow of a government sympathetic to the struggle of the ANC in South Africa.
The reaction Machel's death in the frontline states included
demonstrations of students pointing the finger at South involve.
The one aments int that
the black-led countries take action against apartheid.
The struggle in the subcontinent is hotting up.
estimated that the undeclared war waged by apartheid has cost more than 100,000 lives Mozambique alone sice 1980. More than one million people have beer made homeless in the region.
Those who believe that sanctions against Soutt Africa would hurt the frontline states should these study these figures.
the aback majority o
majority southern Africa, not sanctions. The labour move ENCI should join the frontline states in demanding full, mandatory sanc. tions.
← Socialist Action No. 151, 24 October 1986Socialist Action No. 153, 21 November 1986 →