IMGpapers

Newspapers of the International Marxist Group and its forerunners, 1968–1988

Socialist Action No. 155, 19 December 1986

Socialist Action (IMG / Socialist League) · 19 December 1986 · 12 pages, 18,979 words read by machine

The scan: 155-dec-19-1986-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive)

Uncorrected machine reading of the whole issue. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from the scan and has not been corrected or cut into articles. Each page gives the headlines first, then the columns in order, so one article runs on into the next. Expect misread words. Use it to find things; quote from the scan.

Pages: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

Page 1 scan of this page

NO U.S. BASES!

LABOUR LAST week launched a defence decument The Power to Defend Our Country which is a disaster not only for the fight against nuclear weapons but for the Labour Party.

Of all policy gains made by the left in the Labour Party in the last ten years unilateral nuclear disarmament was by far the most important. elimination British nuclear weapons, the removal of all nuclear bases and 2586 583 Britain, would be a major contribution that Labour could make to peace and to the fight for freedom and socialism internationally.

While it is exaggerated to say, as the United States and others claim that a Britain abandoned nuclear weapons would break up the Atlantic Alliance there is no doubt

SocAlist

ACTioN

BUILDING AN ALLIANCE FOR SOCIALISM

NO NATO!

NO BOMB!

that it would be the greatest crisis NATO had ever faced. And if NATO were weakened everyone in the world fighting for freedom, from Nicaragua to South Africa, sleep easier in their beds.

The weakening of western Europe would also be the best aid that anyone could give to those fighting for freedom The Burope - for it is the threat from the west which gives even the slightest threadbare ustica hon repression in Eastern The Power to Defend Our Country is a disaster from the title onwards.

First it is not 'our' country at all.

Just ask yourself which particular bit you own — as opposed to the ICIs, or GECs, or British Petroleums?

Second the policy has nothing to do with "defence. exist to 'defend' anyone. It is the most

powerful military alliance, based on the most powerful economies, on earth. hile, or the black populatio would be able to South Africa fighting

British and American backed apar theid regime, are not being 'defended'

NATO in by the powers that make up NATO

They

Bastern perialism throughout the world.

If there is a 'Soviet threat', as the

for Soviet document claims, then bluntly it is Europe. But ridiculous to attempt to

with conventional ones.

there is no Soviet threat at all -which there isn't.

no Soviet threat. At the Reykjavic summit Gorbachev proposed the total

The people of Nicaragua,

of against the

are being threatened by them. Soviet Union. NATO is an alliance to back im- The

Third the document is incoherent.

'defend' ourselves against its nuclear weapons

The only way unilateralism makes sense is if

Fourthly it is easy to prove there is

isn't even clever.

• Why NATO needs the bomb

• Free Mike Hicks

Revolt in France

NUS conference

• Tribune attacks Labour councils

on Ireland

elimination of nuclear weapons

and the idea the Soviet Union is going

to fight a conventional war to sub-

jugate Europe is just as ridiculous

The governments which turned tha

down were those of the United States,

Britain, France, and West Germany,

Britain's NATO allies, not that of the

defence document

ecomes ridiculous. It proudly an

nounces in its preface: NATO wa

formed forty years ago when Britain

had a Labour government. And it was

a Labour foreign secretary, Ernest

Bevin, whose energy and drive were

instrumental in creating the system of

collective security based on NATO.

If Labour is going into an election at- line.

tempting to portray itself as the party

best equipped to defend us from the

Soviet hordes it is going to get smasn-

ed. The policy is not merely wrong, it

No. 155 19 Dec 1986 30p

Kinnock could have launched Labour's unilateral nuclear disarmament campaign with a timely

that the proposal to eliminate all nuclear weapons was the way forward. He could have attacked the hypocrisy of Thatcher Reagan's multilateralism for the fraud it was. He could have announced the elimination of British nuclear weapons as the first step to their elimination throughout the world. In other words, the Labour leadership could have launched a perfectly credible campaign for unilateral nuclear disarmament by Britain - and it would have been the truth.

Instead, Labour chose a cold war

The leadership chose demonstrate to the ruling class that the imperialist NATO alliance is safe in Labour Party hands. That policy is not simply a lie. It will be an electoral disaster as well.

Page 2 scan of this page

National Union of Students Xmas Conference

2 Socialist Action 19 Dec 1986

SociAlist

ACTiON

and the labour crushing

rate-capping Labour Party

election' to trample Labour dear. is anyone's guess. drift.

policy on down,

do.

constitutional

ted

nock

in should be no unions the national solidarity weapons, support

labour movement.

He wants a better

politics,

7 January:

From the

the defence of

trade union

in

most things which

The Conor the

to fit in with the

policy

quite openly and

policies pass-

There That for British - in-

socialist but they

LAST WEEK's National Union of Students conference confirmed the crisis of its 'Democratic Left' leadership. The whole of the NUS executive's report and plan for the year ahead was referred back by an overwhelming vote. Only lack of time prevented motions of censure against discussed, for its failure to campaign on particular areas of work, like racism and fascism.

The situation 'Democratic Left' leadership of the NUS represents the most acute expression or ine crisis or tne solt lell in the labour movement as a wole

At the head of a union

which there are mathe Campaign onbes ro mne Donles ol nin vuils Group and Lic callbazus l Labour Left. Liaison nearly every issue, NUS's inabili ty to fight to implement these positions is manifest. That inability has produced widespread disatisfaction with the NUS leadership.

By Polly Vittorini, NUS London Executive

Conference was mostly taken with constitu-

UU tional amendments, until the final morning when debates on grants, benefits and housing and on AIDS were taken. Sunday's commissions on specific areas of work consisted almost entirely of exec ve enve ev l defend their record of in-

the Easter «CLOH conference. They met widespread censure.

Despite the fact that the NUS has consistently dooc Suoe canloadting policies on paper - for decent grants and accessible education in the face of Tory

Culi gl alils. benefits and loans were far and away given the most priority for debate by the colleges ballot. This symptom of the dissatisfaction with what une has done so far.

national

the commitment to fighting

jection

Includlg those Further

Delegates also voted to cene a new Dosl ONon Women's Officer which will be elected by NUS women's campaign ference. Socialist Students in Noto, ln à bulletin circulated conference,

in Ireland launched

STUDENTS Against

Repression in Ireland

was launched at a fringe

meeting at Xmas NUS

conference, organised

by students from

Queen's university,

Belfast, and chaired by

Maeve Sherlock of the

NUS executive.

NUS has already

organised a speaking tour and provided an informa-

NUS in crisis

the executive being

argued that the women's

should not be

for

Women's Action

clear, SSiN's

Tabricale

men thev

further their careers.

NU5

their sibly due to

intense pressure NUS

arguments clearly SSiN explained

allEU

occace SSIN posI-

These and

a federal

Trish mean thạt

dent union. are

position to the issues

the campaigns of Labour Left Liaison is dumped in practice when it conflicts with their own sectarian

This was clear t shown by their attitude to

of the the election

placed their likely inability to win the officer elected

conference

Students Against Repression

tion pack, and plans are

underway for distributing

more campaigning mater-

By Conor Foley, LCI

Student Officer

lal and possibly organising a week of action in the second term. It is hoped that activists in the colleges will begin forming local group: to build for this and will highlight issues searchinßTA, such

plastic bullets, the and

women above the interests of all women students.

Despite these politics - directiv counter to ma. Sni veere in sus

Wert equalling NOLS votes on conference

example that sspssible

LWO LIC CCod

win votes because they have been allowed to be the only alternative to the present NOLS and NUS leadership.

NUS

The leadership necessary for the NUS is one which defends the interests and struggles of all of the working class and the oppressed; one which makes its policy of British withdrawal from Ireland a starting point for real campaigning activity; one which turns its policy of sanctions against South Africa into a definite campaigning COHa Cul and one which implements a policy on Palestine consistent with these positions.

Faisel Owaideh British representative of ine Palestine Liberation Organisation was TONnIE LeU for speaker by more colleges than any other of the guest speakers. He was even inferedce by tie NtS ox- vited speak con-

framed prisoners in British

jails. For more information contact NUS, USI or

the LCI.

Students Against Repression in Ireland contact: NUS, 461

N7 4LJ; or USI, 16 North

Dublin. LCI can b contacted at BM Box 5355, London WCIN 3XX

ecutive, was not

speakers' since ne ner

despițe publicit! about the killings of

Israeli

A on the theme "Freedom

Scaled Campaign with

the PLO and the Party

open

years. time NUS

PLO's de

secular which would be

trom DILSD Ireland sanctions

WAPC

NUS

The discussion taking place in NUs, women's autonomv. black Fol nationtion beraton support

national struggles and a leadership which stands active

Dec/Jan issue costs 60p from LCI, BM Box 535 Features include *Stranger

than fiction: Britain's dirty

war', a report of ex-army captain Colin Wallace's revelations about Britan's secret service activities in

Irelan, 'Ulster still says no'

on Westminster's failure t

convince Unionists unal ul

Anglo-Accord was in their own best interests, , reports from the Sinn Fein ard Feis, ana oi tne s

councillors tour, Bill Rolston

on discrimination, Matt Nennoe ms!

Labour Party, the Northern

Nationalists conference, and

Politics Today

LEVER

support for these paralle the debate in the labour movement whole. There is great interest in the Labour Women's Action Committee tron WURCH labour students The number of students at the WAC AGM the week after the conference points the way to an important alliance which would strengthen WAC's campaign in the labour movement.

filiated to the Labour

debating af filiate to Left Liaison.

with the NOLS Ireland, sections

selt. amongst

alongside

labour .would

Mac

awa conferences

• campaigaurda y. c.uis

Student meets January, 2pm London, to discuss meeting at NOLS conference.

Labour and Ireland Latest Issue Out Now

LABOUR KELANT

HANSON

Page 3 scan of this page

Policy divisions deepen in 'soft left'

News

should be compulsory reading for socialists at present. Because in its pages are being argued out the chiet problems Labour's 'realigned left'. Most important the issues being confronted are now moving off personalities to the basic questions of policy.

articles that appeared in the paper's Labour conference issue. A front page article 'Whatever happened to realignment?' by editor Nigel Williamson admitted that the 'soft left' was now the 'least coherent' group in the party and raised issues of policy over such questions as the soft left's refusal to

second article was a column by Ann Pettifor, cochair of Labour Left Liaison (LLL) and member of the Labour Women's Action Committee Executive, spelling out some bases for unity and organisation on the left. Since then the political polemic has unfolded rapidly.

The first step was, 68-48 vote a vote November by the soft left Labour Coordinating Committee AGM, to reject any work with Labour Lel ason - wim ree Hain, Ken Livingstone, the NUPE representative, and LCC Scotland opposing this. This was tollowed by a Tribune column by Ken Livingstone attacking me sdec don aa en. titled 'Left must look to te tlume. us retered opposition to the witch hunt. support LIC demands of the women's conference and Black Sections vociile and the opposed DOUC 1 C° of

reselection in the party.

Tribune printed a reply to this by who sip Torted The Icc member Trevor majority position.

Fisher publicly took up the policy differences with Livingstone and made F.

Cea Liesues lavoryet! the LCC were not simply Lacuical FIsher ODCHlly justified the witch hunt and expulsions and, rather bizarrely given his overall political position, accused the LLL of subordinating class issues in the politics of 'race and gender' argu-

'Nor is it clear that an ing: 21aece winten makes gender and race politics LIC KCY AL LIC CADCHSC U1 class politics is viable.

Others weighing into battle the same December issue of Tribune WeIe Kevin Scally and Stephen Twigg, LCC memoel ot the Labour Campaign for Lesbian and

Campagn Group News

Bront, Haringey, Lambeth, Liverpool, Manch

Defend Labour

councils

Creetings lox 1967 to all those fightng for socialism and freedom in Britaln and Internatienally bom the Campalgn Grosp of Labour MPs.

Tribune, the chief paper of Labour's 'soft left',

of perspective that now affects

The crisis registered in Tribune started with two call for the removal of all US bases from Britain. The Gay Rights. And separate but related development an extraordinary back page column by David Blunkett.

Scally publicly backed up Livingstone. He attributed his reinstatement in the party tọ a principled united campaign waged by . Ine left and made it

that while he compittery oppposed the politics of Militant he was 10S0XA A11 10A 1SITDED of their supporters and the wilch hunt atmosphere it created. Twigg called for Labour's campaign bodies to leave the LLL. Blunkett in practice backed up Kin-

'looney left' councils and informed us: '1 am not prejudiced agaunst gays and lesbians but there is no point in trying to delude myself that I feel anything but revulsion

Lne touching another male.'

The differences continuec

deepen in the December issue. Vladimir Derer, secretary 0I the LLL, took up Livingstone and explained that while there was not a basis for

between the

posat nd ted C, a pro-

posal mooted ingstone, joint work on principled ODiCCLVeS

sion, d deaen ofe selec-

defeating the witch hunt, and gaining the demands of the Women's ALLOR comanee and Black Sections — was to be welcomed.

The LLL's co-chair Ann Pettifor, devastating column entitled 'White men ridden with

JUST OUT!

Section • Khan and Scally

policy

VOL SO NO

12 * THE ANN

White men

ridden with anest

angst' took preces Trevor Fisher's arguments. She concluded: "The campaigns within Labour Lett Liaison have defined a political basis for unity on the lett. This based on: support for the right of women and black people self-organisation, opposition lo sectaránism ana expulsions; support for the concapital throught the extension of public ownership, d ly u. the financial institutions; the ending of Britain's imperialist role in Ireland and the expulsion of American bases from British soil'

Following the writing of Pettifor's column, and the vote to re-open the issue of reselection by the NEC, the ILL added a clear policy opposing the re-opening of the issue of reselection of MPs by the party and leadership and sestem: Trib the, ina eleat present system. policy choice, also decided vluu a teil c"vake allivic by John Hume, leader of the Irish Social venoCratC and Labour (SDLP), opposing he dialogue between Sin:

Fein and sections of the Labour Party The divisions within the LCC also translated themselves into Campaign Group News,

January issue features -

• Bernie Grant on Labour councils • Merle Amoury on Brent • Mark Wadsworth on Black

• Tony Benn on Labour's defence

Send for your copy to Bob Clay House of Commons, London SWIA OAA (30p + 13p p&p).

ЕЛ 1966

Js a vital debate, the

the party and within U open policy splits in the National Organisation of Labour Students (NOLS) at the National Union of Students confernece. THE 12 December Tribune carried a major centre-spread article by John Hume, leader of the Social Democratic and Labour Party of the North East six counties of Ireland. The article is a frontal attack on Labour councils and the section of the Labour left which has opened up a dialogue with Sinn Fein's elected representative in Ireland.

By Redmond O'Neill

Ken Livingstone, the former leader of the GLC who initiated the dialogue between Labour councils in Britain and Sinn Fein representalives, as well as progressive policies wards the Irish ethnic minority of more than four million Britain, singled out by Hume for special attack.

In itself Hume's article is unremarkable. Indeed it • on uuc dolle ever ne sordid muck-raking and witch hunting that pumped out in the gutter press against Sinn Fein and radical councils which exercise their right to meet them.

More significant is the

fion e nt editor al interkete-

tion the Kinnockite anioune.

The article is introduced: 'In the wake of the invitation recently ex tended by number of LaDOU COlAC representatives of Sinn Fein, John Hume the leader of the Social Democratic and Labour Party, circulated the following statement for discussion by the Labour Left. Tribune is delighted to reprint it here.'

INDEPENDENT LABOUR'S

WEEKLY

What had started October 'crisis perspectives' •IT • ferences over tactics, had DI December OCCOnC

Tribune attacks Labour

councils on Ireland

Hume

Ce to he tsof Neil Kins

voice to that of Neil nock 'firmly associated' himself with Thatcher in condemnn: the action of those (Labour) councils which welcomed Sinn Fein representatives in October unis year, ana lo lal front bench spokesperson Clive Soley who circulated Labour Party branches calling uDUl. them disassociate themselves from the tour.

What is at stake here is the elementary democratic right of the representatives of the labour movement in

being done by the British state in Ireland, by talking directly to those who the Irish people elect to represent them.

What the Tory Party, the press and the British state fear is very simple it is the truth The truth about what is done to the Lalulaisl peone in the north of Ireland in order

maintain British rule there and the partition of

Socialist Action full blown fight over basic policies. vn nc suc. the soft left, were those standing for policies such as opposition to the expulsions, defence of reselecLOR. support demands of the Women's AICUUN Committee Black Sections, British withdrawal trom Ireland, removal of all US bases and couclallul with Labour Left Liaison and the Campaign Group of MPs. • Un tne other side werę those standing for exDuls ulls. IOI voltullle the system of reselection of MPs, giving purely lip service but no practica support to the Women's ALON Committer and Black Section, opposing practical steps creating conditions for British withdrawal from Ireland, allowing the maintaining of US bases in Britain, and opposing any practical with

cuv cialil the LLL Campaing Group. These are not 'tactical differences'. They are an absolutely fundamental split over lust about some of the most fundamental issues of politics today. Ireland.

Local councils in this COHLTY Hltava a responlsibility to find out and, indeed expose what done in their name by the British state in Ireland witnoul access the facts, as directly related by

ece cneeive of the nationalist people, it

impossible the labour movement to do its duty towards Ireland That is to formulate and act upon a policy of self-determination for the Irish people as whole and complete British withdrawal from Ireland

The actions of abou councils like Hackney, Harıngey, Lambeth anc Manchester, in meeting Sinn Fein councillors are all the more disturbing to the British establishment Decause these COlICl cover huge Irish communities which

al C evidently all the more directly concerned with Britain's racist polic! towards Ireland and the Irish.

19 Dec 1986 3

What is not yet clear is what practical conclusions the sections of the soft left favouring collaboration with the LLL and Cam •ai mrouo dre cenae

draw. In addition to public polemics different sections of the soft left have started to vote against each othel

- notably CLP representatives Michael Meacher and David Blunkett voting against re-opening , the issue of reselection on the NEC and Tom Sawyer of Nure anu coce naco the TGWU voting in favour

reopening issue The logical conclusion would be for those sections ot the soft welcome collaboration with the hard lett' to ignore th sectarian osition: taken

y the LCC and to start t carry out practical cooperation for • common objectives. Whether they will do so remains to be seen.

But one thing is clear. The divisions on the 'soft left' are not even remotely lalud. lhev arete the most fundamental political questions of the day. It looks like we are in for another shake up on Luc tell

Furthermore, as local delegations from the Divis Ilats in West Belfast

ands ito este Broadwater

and Broadwater ram enare Haringey show, oppressed black communic. Britain's inner cities can see some paralels berween the treatment they receive and the repression which is a daily fact of life in the nationalist areas of the North of Ireland

Kinnock, Soley and Tribune are contesting Ithe right of Labour councils to uci• luc DcDc uncyreor sent to find out the truth about Ireland and act accordingly.

The truth is that Bri tain progressive role to play in Ireland. The only way to open the solution to any of the problems facing Ireland is British withdrawal. Any policy which blocks Labour Parties or Labour councils hearing the views of those in Ireland favouring British withdrawal simply prolongs Ireland's agony and strengthens reaction ir Dlltall

At a time when Labour councils are facing a racist assault orchestrated by the Tory Party nationally, it is

be hoped that Tribune will be as delighted to oper Ils pages lo repnes by lne councils to Hume's attacks and will itself follow their lead and open up in its

Pajes a dialoguesenta sies

representatives

ctete ane sar o a ne

ple, many Labour Parties would be fascina:ed hear debates 0r22-se between SDLP =* S-a Fein represe i Britich Tribur

ie soe = is bc=

Page 4 scan of this page

WAC plans fora vital year

4 Socialist Action 19 Dec 1986 A tribute to Miriam James

MIRIAM JAMES a much-loved and tireless campaigner for Irish freedom died in London early on Sunday morning, 14 December, the age of 69, after a three-month serious ilIness.Miriam spent her Scotland, moving to Dublin at 14, where she joined Cumann na nBan. She also helped set up Cumann na gCailini, its junior wing.

In 1934 Miriam joined the newly-formed Republican Congress and the briefly-resucitated Irish Citizens Army, working with people. later fought and died in the International Brigade in Spain. Miriam herself was interned in Mountjoy jail from 27 June 1940 to 20 March 1943. Six years later she came to London. In 1977 she became involved in community politics in North Kensington. Soon afterwards she joined the Labour Party and, in June 1983, the Labour Committee on Ireland.

Miriam Committee, and also secretary of the organising committee for the major demonstration that was held on 19 August 1984 marking the fifteenth anHIVERA British troops streets. In July 1984 she took a GLC-funded job establishing the Battersea and Wandswoth Irish Group. In May 1985 almost less than a year later she started work in the Ethnic Minorities Unit of the GLC, as a policy advisor on the needs of the Irish community where she helped organise numerous other events. Also in 1985, as a delegate to Labour Party conference, Miriam moved a resolution calling for British withdrawal from Ireland.

This year she saw the fruition of her work as secretary Bloody Sunday anniversary demonstration. When she fell ill and became unconscious in September She was helping to organise the sinn rein coun cillors visit to England, which took place in October. Miriam would have been delighted by its success. Her death will be a loss to the struggle for Irish freedom.

relatives.

Campaign launched

to rehabilitate

Stalin's victims

PLANS for an international campaign to exonerate the victims of the 1930s Trials were discussed at a meeting held in the House of Commons on 3 December under the auspices of Eric Heffer MP.

By Eileen Gersch Trotsky, Lenin

About 30 people were present. Others, such as Tamara Deutscher and

Many or those already active politically witch hunt.

Next year, 1987, will be the centenary of the birth of Bukharin, demned to death, whose reputation has been partially restored. This fact, and the complete or partial rehabilitation of a few of the other victims, make it a propitious time for such a campaign.

The perspective of the meeting was to out, through public meetings and the media, and to take resolutions from labour movement groups through the Russian embassy to the Soviet govern-

asking

reopened. This rehabilitation

and

Bukharin, the generals who were executed in 1937 including Iukhachevsky, and others. committee was formed to broaden participation Derore launchlig we campagn.

first. 12 years in became secretary of LCI's London

returning to Irish of the committee mobilising for the

Socialist Action extends its con-

all Miriam James comrades and

Moscow Lord Brockway, sent WILU attended at the time of Stalin's

one of those tried and con-

reach

that the records of the Trials be would include Trotsky, well

An ad hoc

THE LABOUR Women's Action Committee AGM took place last weekend in Leeds. Attended by 75

energies on the proposals that LWAC will campaign for in the context of the consultation and review of the Labour Party women's organisation initiated by party conference in October.

The first priority of LWAC in the coming year will be to use the opportunity of the consultation process to step up the discussion around the key changes in the women's organisation that LWAC was formed to fight for. Central to this is the question of women's conference having the right to elect the five seats reserved for women on the NEC.

This has always been seen as one of WAC'S key demands, because all the other possible changes that could be made to the

organisation would have little effect,

the women's organisation has some real power in ine party as whole. Giving women the right to elect their

OWI representatives on the par-

leadership is not only

step to creating a powerful women's organisation that could exercise real influence over party policy.

Continuing Canpaign to win the widest possible support . tor this principle will be the centre of LWAC's activity

UYCL the months. The AGM agreed take specific steps. both regionally and nationally, to ensure inal Inis cam paign is taken out into the broader ment. In particular LWAC wants to lake cvcry ODDUltunity to discuss and campaign with women organised in the unions, through day schools, meetings at the women's TUC union conferences, ducing broadsheet specially for women in the unions and giving a platform to the issues that women around in the unions LUCINCYCO

It was also noted that LWAC has an important potential base of support

tional worgenistibe Na-

tional Organisation Labour Students (NOLS).

Student women are facing similar cotles in the NUS

Black Section

condemns Deptford

reselection

THE LABOUR Party Black Section has attacked the reselection in the Deptford constituency. Despite covering an area which is fifty per cent black the

constituency selected a

'soft-left' white

didate Joan Rud-

The reselection follow-

ed months of interference

by Walworth Rd and the

sitting MP John Silkin to

attemot to secure the cand-

Wantede party leadership

wanted. local

Lewisham and Deptford

Mercury last month ran

live page exposuic

constituency party with ex-

tensive quotes from John

Dilkin. An atmophere was whipped up party NICHOC SCHIOUSLY

the nightor Nus womenos the fight for conference elect women's officer to those that women are fac-

in the Labour Party. will SCCK develop these links with women the student movement by working with women in NOLS to win support from Labour Clubs and hopefully from NOLS as a whole.

By Jude Woodward, LWAC assistant secretary

However Tne discussion the AGM

proposals LWAC

LWAC cam-

unions at conference, thei

between

tions, on ine hand, and

the other.

division, it was agreed that LWAC would campaign for the election to be held

women's comerence but on the basis of some seats elected by the unions, and some by the women's sections. It was agreed that a system of parity should again apply on on this Therefore will campaign for the number of NEC places to be in-

a Knowsley style imposi-

tion if they selected the

'wrong' candidate.

Sections of the left put

forward black woman can-

didate and surcharged

Lambeth councillor,

Amelda espite ine

event, despite huge

campaign, Ruddock only

won nomination by the

relatively small margin of

35 votes to 27 over another

local black candidate Clif-

ton Graham.

another move the

selection OI PPC by

Streatham party is bein

participation of the local

Black Section in the selec-

tion procedure. This

follows similar earlier

move by the NEC agains

Lewisham East. Black Sec

London Paul Sharma was defeated in the selection.

creased to six, and for these to be divided equally betwen the unions and the women's sections.

Some concern was expressed as to whether this was the best proposal to fight for.Arguments were presented against increas ing the places to six, others argued against dividing the scals . However both these positions were held by small minorities, and there that the proposal adopted general agreement was the best framework for campaigning

Clearly LWAC faces a

and campaigning. The AGM elected a new executive with the remit of carrying out tant campaigning work, ana clearly une next major step will be to ensure that LWAC's proposals fully discussed at national

ference. The AGM agreed to campaign for a full day of the women's conference

aside for thorough discussion of the review women's organisation. In order for crucial to ensure that the this to occur it will maximum number of resolutions and amendments are tabled for the conference around this

Women's sections have very little time to do

WAC executive members Ann Pettifor and Diane Abbott this as resolutions have to

Ensuring that these issues fully aired in the women's organisation will be LWAC's kes priority in Ine coming weeks. It was agreed thai more finances had to be raised in order to send out more frequent mailings to

Labour Party backs

Central America

conference

THE LABOUR Party's national executive committee has added its support to a conterence

peace, self-determination and reconstruction in Central America.

By Celia Pugh

The conference, called by the El Salvador Solid-

Campaign, will be held on 28 February at the TUC's Congress House

Among the 13 national union TGWU, NUPE, NALGO, SUISULD are the NUR CPSA, ÜCW and USDAW. The Nicaragua Solidarity Campaign also

News

our members

Other issues touched on at the AGM include reports of LWAC's work in the last year including the work that has been achieved in developin

loser links with the Blac Section, CLPD, and the Campaign Group through Labour Left Liaison. backs the conference which will be addressed by representatives of the main trade union federations in Nicaragua and El Salvador - the CST and UNTS.

Other speakers includ the FDR-FMLN of EI Salvador, Ron Todd,

leader of the NUM and a leading Labour Party member. Audrey Wise, a THIGHST of the Labour Party national executive will chair the event

Workshops will consider

practical steps for solidari. ty.

Delegates credentials and other information from ELSSOC, Borough Road London SEI (tel 01-928 3412).

Page 5 scan of this page

French youth teach Chirac a lesson

Tory backing for US contra mercenary attacks.

International

down from its proposed education.

wider than the education sector.

By Hilary Eleanor in Paris

Alain Devaquet who, as Master or une versiv sector, gave his name to the 'reform bill' has been forced to resign just the first

of the governCasually ment's defeat.

The Devaquet bill was an attempt to bring the higher education system into line with the demands of French capital and industry. At the core of its proposals were increased selection of

ing of the links between the

and brivals universities.

Devaquet's bill provided a spark massive movement amongst youth atraid of unemployment, many of whom

been radicalised through the mass anti-racist movement "SOS-Racisme'.

The first national student demonstration Thursday 27 November saw one million students and

the streets of Paris and towns LONe OUL France. The 'Student Coordination', a national body of delegates elected from encl and school, appealed for the occupation the universities after this magnificent show of strength They also appealed for a national strike in the whole education sector, and for a demonstration in Paris on 4 December.

The movement set shining example for the labour movement of determined icadersnip democratic forms of self-organisation. At each facul-

ment support for the

America, writes NICK ADAMS.

conference was allegedly

dinistas.

He further revealed

that a Foreign Office of-

ficial had attended the re-

cent Cot-

ference in London which

Was addressed by Arturo

Cruz, a leading contra ter-

111LA Foreign Office claims that no official support was im-

by LEeS

Foulkes said 'they must

Look were loldly laye.

They are just putting up

excuses.

The evidence of in-

CICONCU British

timet sup increamies dif

difLulle He castle ficulties for the contra ter-

rorists. The so-called

AFTER THREE weeks of massive mobilisations, university occupations, school strikes and bloody street battles, Jacques Chirac's right-wing coalition government was forced into a humiliating climb-

'reform' of higher

The government's defeat, just nine months after their election victory, will have repercussions far

ty, general assemblies were held frequently to discuss the next steps TOr Tne fightback. Delegates higher bodies were instantly recallable and were mandated voTe by general assembly.

This democratic tunc. tioning prevented successive attemnts to sabotage and defuse the movement by DOLI oeuvres and by media atred-bait and divide the students.

The by secondarv school students gave an added depth to the campaign, broadening out the struggle and ensuring popular for the withdrawal of the Devaguet bill.

On 4 December million people brought to a standstil in huge show of force.

While education ministers washed their hands of the affair, the government announced the nikola go ahead and placed the matter in the hands of the minister of the interior, Charles Pasqua, who took over by unleashing the CRS riot police, water cannons and tear gas grenades on the demonstrators The news of the government's intransigence provoked an angry reaction but it was the provocations of the lec the bloody battles that well Loal night. government out to smash by repression and to turn the tide of public opinion

FURTHER EVIDENCE of direct British govern-

Nicaraguan contras was revealed by Labour's foreign affairs spokesperson last week. Speaking in the House of Commons on Thursday 11 December, George Foulkes charged the government of supporting terrorism in central

He revealed that a representative of the British embassy in Costa Rica had attended a conference on 24 November of contra forces and others. The

aiming to establish a 'provisional government' in opposition to the San-

'Irangate' revelations in the United States have shown conclusively that the US government was financing the contras at the very Congress had ruled against such aid. les Aspin. US Congressional represenand head the House of Representatives Armed Services Commitree shone conscere• cod the revelations were bound to damage the prospects for continued aid' His feelings were backed up by

leader. present uproar wwic us very much' he declared.

One million bring Paris to a standstill

against labelling them 'rioters'. But

itiative dramatically backfired. On Friday 5 December, they announced that the most controversial points or tne bill would de put on ice.

national Student Coordination responded by demanding complete and total withdrawal of the bill. More street fights erupted inal nignt as ine ko altempted to evict students from the occupation at the Sorbonne university. least inree leargas giellauc. hit human targets: one stu-

eve was knocked unconscious

bed off in full view of T valliciao

mopping up operation after the demons-

He's every right to be worried As an article in the 27 Novermber the Sandinista daily, Barricada, explained the secret White House funding demonstra the

is administration to ace

outside both its own and international laws in order

try to overturow Sandinista Peoples's

'The (Reagan) administration is not try-

"exert pressure' the stresses but Barricada stressed, rather seeking to destroy the Sandinista revolution

Barricada goes on show that the revelations have exposed the lie that the Sandinistas are rorists'. Top White House officials have been supplying murder

Nicaraguan civilians. This

exposes the 'real terrorist'

And Barricada

ed that the revelations expose another lie - that the

contra aggression is a civil

war', supposedly fueled by

deep discontent with San-

dinista policies.

firms, the contrary,

tration, Malik Oussekine was brutally clubbed death, provoking a wave of opposition.

Coordination called for

Malik on Saturday 6 December, token strikes and stoppages in workplaces the following Monday and another demonstration on the Wednesday.

In spite of ment declarations that there would be no retreat bv the government, the tidal wave ot protests torced a climbdown. By Ipm on Monday, Chirac had announced that the bill would be withdrawn. The students decided to go head with a victory march on Wednesday December OuT given death of Malik it was, as some of the banners said. 'a sad victory'. Again a

what the Sandinistas have said for years: that the war is a mercenary operation

— run from the outside whith no popular base of

sup pois outs Ne aralua,

outside activity escalated last week. Some 1500 mercenaries have

involved been days of fighting along the Honduran border.

The mercenary force was trying to get into Nicaragua and sabotage actions. They are fully backed by US troop and air support. Nicaraguan president,

Daniel Ortega, said on 3 December that US troops

Honduras had moved miles of the

Ninara guagubor in the tes

Jaquith in the

windy socialist newsweekly, The

Militant. 'Ortega warned that the situation was "genuinely grave. It could

turn into a direct contron-

tation with US troops"?

Five days later two

planes took off from the

Palmerola air base in Honduras and bombed the

of Wiwili

LOWI

Jinotega, 15 miles inside

million demonstrators vouth and workers - show. ed their defiance to the

Following on from its defeat, the fragile coalition headed by Chirac is now in turmoil. It has had to temporarily withdraw its mediate projects including the new 'nationality code (a

lucasuic alice stopping black people gaining French citizenship) and privatisation of the prisons.

Aside from the immediate problems created for the government this exemplary will inspire others in the future After years of hot air and constant surrender trade union leaderships, the youll snowen I is possible to win.

the Nicaraguan border. 'Everything indicates that the planes were North American' said Miguel d'Escoto, Nicaraguan foreign affairs Honduran radio stations claimed that the air attack was aimed to prevent Nicaraguan incursion into Honduran territory. Americans for some time now have been trying to provoke a border incident

between the sister republic of Honduras and the Sandinista Popular Army' d'Escoto explained.

Despite the defeat suffered by the mercenaries in the latest fighting, similar incidents are bound to be repeated. Honduran

foreign ministry official, Roberto Suazo Tome was

reported in The Indepen-

dent, , 10 December, as saying that the policy of the • government is to 'maintain this situation of crisis and abnormality without aching a war'. This would, of course, allow the US ad-

continuous opportunity to intervene, picking the occasion they consider appropriate.

World

in action

Philippines

into the force on 10 December.

But on the ver

City.

NPA.

was a compromise, originally offering 30 days.

guaranteed to

represented the NPA in the negotiations.

the field' including landlords that continue to

misoner

The ou-day

Philippine territory by US military bases.

im- territories

demned the murders. 'The

Palestinian CHUCCE

from the West

re-

nightmare conditions and

Socialist Action 19 Dec 1986 5 ceasetire threatened MASSIVE MOBILISATIONS greeted the signing of the 60-day ceasefire between the government of

and the New Peones Arm (NPA). Signed on 27 November, the ceasefire came

day of the ceasefire's implementation, an NPA supporter was killed during a march in support of the ceasefire in Davao

And on Monday 15 December armed forces chief Fidel Ramos was claiming breaches of the ceasefire as a pretext for further action against the

"the armed forces have been opposed to an agreement with the NPA who had been calling for a ceasenre period or 10v days. ine ov-day period

with the Aquino government

Under the agreement supporters of the NPA are to be allowed to set up headquarters in Manila. 'Absolute, binding, permanent and irrevocable immunity from search, arrest, and prosecution is

'those accredited persons who wil assist the NDF during peace talks'. The NDF (National Democratic Front) is a broad coalition that

The agreement calls on the armed forces to disarm and punish abusive members and units in

private armies of many terrorise the rural population. However, the agreement also provides for 'government peace-keeping functions' — a for-

describe the armed forces military actions against the NPA — to continue.

period comes to an end on 2 February, the date of a national plebiscite on a new constitution. In the meantime discussions will continue on an end to the war, during which the NDF will raise land redistribution and the occupation of Opposition mounts to Israeli terror in occupied

ALL SHOPS, offices and schools throughout the Israeli occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip have been closed following the shooting of four Palestinian youths by Israeli soldiers. The UN have con-

Israeli troops have now fired on a number of unarmed demonstrations injuring dozens of people. Those killed include two youths aged 12 to 14.

The demonstrations began at Bir Zeit university at the beginning of the month. The students were protesting at the Israeli support to attacks on

camps in Lebanon. On December, Israeli gunboats launched a two-hour bombardment on the Ein Hilweh and Mieh Mieh camps, part of a concerted policy of seeking to prevent the PLO (Palestine Liberation Organisation)

• reestablishing itself in south Lebanon. In 1982 Israel invaded Lebanon and inflicted brutal losses on the Palestinian community, including the infamous terror campaign in Shabra and Shatila. The PLO was driven out of the country by the Israeli invasion force. But four years later, the PLO is reestabilishing itself, despite opposition from Israel and the Syrian-backed Amal militia

Strong support for the PLO exists in Gaza and Bank which have been under ruthless military occupation for 19 years by Israel. In a recent poll taken in the area, 93.5 per cent said they considered the PLO their 'sole' representativé. An entire new generation has been brought up in the area knowing nothing other than the experience of

military occupation.

'Reagan, Reagan, you should know, we support the PLO' was the chant of the students at Bir Zeit.

Page 6 scan of this page

WHY NAT

Socialist Action wants the bomb.

AT THE close of 1986, 'the West' is still deep in the aftermath of Reykjavic. For the second time in less than a year the Soviet Union has put forward proposals to scrap the nuclear weapons of the world -and for the second time the United States, backed by Britain, France, West Germany and members of the has turned them down.

This sequence of events, more than any other, has exposed the 30-year old myth of 'multilateral' nuclear disarmament. The millions of column inches spewed out by the bourgeois press after the Iceland summit cannot paper over that crack. For the first time, the real position of the. Western been forced out into the open.

Since the rise of the weapons movement in the l9sus, case against unilateralism has argued of multilateralism — as a different means of achieving the same end: the elimination of all nuclear weapons. true content of that debate is shown for what it is. For multilateralists, the issue is not how to get rid of nuclear arsenals, but how to keep them.

To see the way this truth has emerget since Reykjavik, consider coverage Image on Labour's defence po hankering to the empire?

19 Dec 1986 WITHIN 24 hours of its launch last week, Labour's new 'defence' campaign had been held up to minute inspection and every inconsistency exposed. The media rubbed its collective hands in glee; Labior's right wing seized the opportunity to begin an open campagn to scrap unilateralism. To know why, you don't need to read a single word of the party's glossy literature — just cast a glimpse at the Modern Britain motif: a globe draped in the Union Jack! But to realise how thoroughly doomed this campaign really is — and why unilateral nuclear disarmament must still be fought for and applied — it is necessary to go far beyond what the Labour leadership imagines are the exigencies of the forthcoming election in Britain. It is necessary to grasp the real line up of economic, political and military forces in the post-war world. 1986 is a good time to start. It began with Gorbachev's proposals to eliminate all nuclear weapons from the world, and will end with the ramifications of Reykjavik echoing across the USA and West Europe. In Britain especially, 1986 will close with nuclear weapons at the very top of the political agenda. CAROL TURNER reviews Labour's defence campaign and explains why the West

establishment's friend of the

tober edition began:

the other NATO alliance, another. powers has anti-nuclear the been fend against. so-called reached spokesman Now une

DIODIVID.

October last. campaign with precision.

devoted to the summit by the

Time Magazine. No anti-nuclear weapons Time has most clearly exposed the fake position of the United States government at the end of the Iceland talks. An article in the 27 Oc-

*Flying home from Reykjavik at the start of last week, Ronald Reagan appeared to be winging from one debacle

The dejection the president's carriage as he walked out of Hofdi house, the disappointment etched into every line of secretary of state Shultz's face as he briefed the press, has flashed an unmistakable message to T! watchers around the world: the summit meeting with Mikhail Gorbachev had ended in failure. Worse, headlines were already spreading the impression that Reagan had thrown away the promise of a nuclear-free world by clinging to his vision of a space-based defence — even if there might be no missiles to de-

'But even before Air Force One

Washington, White House (sic) Larry Speakes and chief of staff Donald Regan launched a campaign to reverse the downbeat im-

With predictable cynicism, the United States has put a huge effort into squaring the Reykjavik circle since

Time outlined the US

three main points. It was Gorbachey, not Reagan, who had blocked a drastic reduction in nuclear weapons. so by demanding as price he should have known Reagan would never pay: confining all work on the US Strategic Derence Initiative research for 10 years.

"The president had no choice but to reject his demand, which would have killed SDI. Said Reagan at a Baltimore rally for Republican senatorial candidate Linda Chavez:

America's insurance policy that the Soviets will begin living up to the arms control agreements that they've agreed to. SDI is one of the chief reasons the Soviets went to the summit and one of the primary reasons they'll come back again. SDI is the key to a world free of nuclear blackmail"

'Most important, the summit was not a failure but, in its astonishing success It brought world to the brink of a deal that seeme

imaginable before Reagan and G

achev arrived in Iceland: destructi of all intermediate-range missiles in Europe and a radical reduction of their number in Soviet Asia; a 50 per cent slash in the superpowers long-range ballistic missiles in five years and their total elimination after five more

only the elements of the bargain that was almost struck.

That is an accurate description of what Reykjavik could have achieved.

United States menmt has said and done since then has been aimed at fudging the issue. In particular, the USA is determined to conceal the fact that it is Gorbachev who proposed the elimination of all nuclear weapons and it is Reagan and his allies who reject it. As Time itself so coyly put it, the US case 'is not entirely consistent

How can Reykjavik simultaneously have 'showed the stopping of SDI to be Gorbachev's goal goals' "brought a comprehensive arms deal much closer'? How can Reagan pro. claim that his is a policy to make the

and simultaneously

safe from nuclear annihilation?

bachev's,

sive, first-strike nuclear complete commitment nuclear weapons.

'multilateralism' — have with their fingers in the till.

proposals.

'hammered at Star Wars.

He did and a host of other West

politicians had joined the affray.

laboratory

"SDI is

president Reagan's

conclusion to remarkable,

Kohl, Mitterrand to force way, an

the on the kind of "non-dea

nuclear on the

tactical nuclear Europe.

most striking intend keeping their own

nuclear weapons.

*telling the Soviet nuclear

, govern-

modern surveillance techniques

Plain behind NATO military strateg

turned anti-nuclear

THE I

United States safe from nuclear attack

reject . the Gorbachev policy for the elimination of nuclear weapons — the one policy that would guarantee the US was totally

The truth is that Reagan's, not Gor-

goals were laid bare in Iceland: building and keeping an offen-

annualy. to retaining The United States government, together with the British government — those arch-advocates of

been caught

Ronald Reagan was not alone in reacting as he did to the Soviet Union's

On behalf of the Tories, Geoffrey Howe denounced as illogica and retrograde' Gorbachev's attemp to tie his proposals to a limitation of

By the time that US and Soviet foreign ministers met in Vienna early last November, Kohl, Mitterand

European

'Have we seen the ultimate in defence politics gymnastics?' the Guardians's John Palmer correctly asked, 'the leaders of the major European NATO states finding space to attack

control «rul strategy from the right. This is the only

from the semi-clandestine cam. Reen kowaged sims Thatar

Messieurs Chiracthe American, away from a "zero-zero" deal on Euro-

nuclear missiles. non-Seropean attah superpowers claim they come so close to in Reykjavik, also involves pressure

US to increase its short-range Meanwhile the British an held French have as good as made it clear that zero-zero deal or not, deep cuts in US-Soviet strategic missiles or not, the!

"national'

Another Guardian report summed up Thatcher's position in a report of her recent Camp David visit. She was

Union that the deterrent, including Britain's step natchers main contribution to

Thatcher's main contribution to the attempted rehashing of the postReykjavik multilateralist position was 'you can't disinvent nuclear weapons'. Of course that is true, but not the point:

mean that the possibility of policing a ban on nuclear weapons is within easy reach

The real thinking which has always the United States military was admirably

rought out in First Strike: The Per tagon's Strategy for Nuclear War, by Robert Aldridge, a Polaris designed

writer. troduced his book (Pluto, 1983) with a quote from Tolstoy: Should you read upon an encounter with an elephant a sign saying buffalo, believe not your

eyes.' Aldridge systematically expose the US buffalo for the nuclear ag gressor it is

Hiroshima and Nagasaki showe 'that when the United States had th ability to launch an unanswer nuclear strike there was no reluct to do so.' Then the Soviet U leveloped nuciear weapons an USA lost its edge. The anno nuclear policy of each country to deterrence - the threat of n

has pursued a more aggressive coe force policy since the mid-1950

advertised. What infome

advertised available in the public domain se couched in military-scientific and is buried deep in technical jo congressional hearing

posture

ing the various weapons pro isolated from one another so the more professional critics ! ficult time seeing how they to provide an aggressive

Page 7 scan of this page

) NEEDS OM B

and its allies, fully confirms Aldridge's

founding principles of the alliance, was signed in April 1949 by Belgium, Canada, Denmark, France,

Italy Luxembourg, Netherlands, Norway, (ortunal, tain and the USA. That same year the West German state was created. It joined NATO in 1955. Greece, Turkey and Spain are also now members.

The treaty peamble lays down that member states 'desire to live in peace with all peoples and all governments. They are determined to safeguard the freedom, common heritage civilisation of their people founded on the principles of democracy, individual liberty and the rule of law. promote stability and well-being in the North Altantic area. They are resolved to unite their efforts defence and for the preservation of peace and security.'

Nothing could be further from the truth. That statement is a total sham. heritage and individua liberty give a Only clue to its real purpose: communist military alliance to further the economic and political interests of the maior imperialst dowers. It is not commonly known, but at that time the Soviet Union applied to join NATO sand was refused admission.

The Warsaw Pact was not established until 1955, six years later, and then only after the Soviet Union had attempted unsuccessfully to oppose West Geriman rearmament. It was NATO, from

militarisation of Europe.

West economic and social resources

prosecute

protect itself from

central Europe.

United States

this was

arsenal.

For MAD. In

was based largely

from. being

tion but the US would not.

As the Soviet

NATO strategy changed.

North Atlantic adonted a policv known as response'.

the Bri- plans to this day. But, and

They seek to Conve lal

neither, of course, States. collective USSR would

deaths in prolonged

cept it.

Nazi Germany,

anti-

no possibility

must have nuclear weapons. The secenle renon

than

the 1950s onwards, that insisted on the

The USSR's first response to the formation of NATO was to attempt to secure a demilitarised mid-Europe. An than underdeveloped country in comparison

Europe and the USA, the of the 1I0E Soviet Union had been heavily depleted weighs by World War II. Far from wishing to

policy of aggression towards the capitalist West, the Soviet United government's primary concern was to

inasion by those powers, especially the United States. In the 1940s and 1950s it put forward a West number of proposals to demilitarise flushed

From the start, the response of the

waSO base muced weapons in Western Europe Initially

carried out by means

ilateral treaties with its NATO allie Then, in 1955, the alliance as a whole agreed to equip its forces with a nuclear

NATO's initial policies were crude. tional During the 1950s and '60s its strategy was officially 'massive retaliation' knows as mutually assured destruction,

other words blast the enemy with everything you've got. This

on the assumption the that the USSR did not have sufficient delivery systems to launch a full-scale nuclear retaliation against the USA. Far

'mutually assured', the calculation was that USSR and Western Europe might suffer nuclear annihila-

Union's nuclear surengin incicasca to une pomt wacic i could carry out a devastating nuclear retaliation against the United States,

In 1967 the Treaty Organisation 'flexible That remains the basis for the North Atlantic allies war-tighting

whatever the USSR specific changes, one point always re-

NATO'S military strategy is based on nuclear weapons.

one

There are two reasons for this. First the Soviet Union cannot be attacked

wcdbun and can the United A conventional attack on the 30-40 million fighting. The Western working class would never ac- Europe

This is why only a fascist state, in which the workers movement had been utterly crushed, could attack the Soviet Union with conventional arms. Unless it is capable of imposing fascism throughout the West out (and probably not even then), there is

of any conventional war tain against the USSR being successful. To carry out an aggressive policy NATO

economic.

While there is continuous and correct, denunciation of the cost of nuclear weapons, in reality they are far cheaper

Many conventional of equivalent

destructive power. One of the reasons the West stresses its nuclear plans is that it is cynically prepared to confront the world with nuclear annihilation rather

bear the cost of conventional ecapomic strain of the arms saye the weapons. more precisely,

only on the Soviet economy, down on the ability of capitalist OUWCS to compete each other. That can be seen in the

States VaNL budget Nuclear weapons mean 'a bigger bomb for your buck.

After Rekyavik the real policy of the

on nuclear weapons has VuL into the 'Multilateralism' is a fraud from beginning to end. The West is not interested in the elimination of nuclear weapons. Unlaleransm and mulhlaleransı dıc not different roads to the same goal. The West wants nuclear "weapons. USSR does not. The Soviet Union has no need of a nuclear arsenal because it is in no position to launch a conventhan he est can atta Whe uSSmire attack on the anymore conventional armies.

The purpose of 'multilateralism' is simple. One question that is never asked in the opinion polls is 'do you favour

elimination of weapons?' Everyone knows the answer would be an overwhelming 'yes'. working class has no interest whatever in aving - - either to allow Western imperialism to attack Soviet Union or to keep military costs down.

By putting forward proposals for the elimination of all nuclear weapons, Gorbachev is doing exactly the right thing. In the 1970s, under Brezhnev, the

adopted an adventurist militarist strategy for dealing with the arms race. It attempted to compete, when it could not possibly win. NATO powers have twice the population, and seven times the gross national product of the Soviet Union. The only policy which can work for the USSR is

puts necessity bulding military defence within the framework of political struggle against the military policy of the West. That means the USSR must expose the truth: it is the Western powers alone that threaten the world with nuclear annihilation, and the Western alone that have aggressive ambitions in

Rekyavik gave Labour the opportunity to expound a wholly coherent defence policy, starting with full support for the goal of eliminating all nuclear weapons. Labour should point

that multilatelalsi had shown up as a total fraud, therefore Bri-

was unilaterally abandoning nuclear weaDons

That is coherent, credible, and the truth. It is based on what Reykjavik began to expose: the fact that only the West wants the bomb. That is the truth Labour should build on. That is what makes a unilateral nuclear disarmament defence policy coherent.

AMID GRAND Labour's long-awaited campaign was launched last week by Neil and Denzil Davies. It was an instant flop.

Modern Britain in a Modern World lay a position which is impossible to defend.

As The Country policy statement explains, Labour the Soviet hordes by 'strengthening Britain's conventional defences' and by 'modernising NATO'.

Labour leadership's priorities is more guns and more tanks. This goes hand in hand with a renewed commitment to the North Atlantic alliance. "As long as the Soviet Union threat to Western Europe,' says the introduction to the defence statement, 'we need a strong NATO.'

Only then does the leadership address itself, entirely inadequately, the question of getting rid of nuclear weapons. out-of-date. *Just as the credibility of NATO's strategy of the 1950s (known as 'massive retaliation') was thrown into doubt by development of strategic parity between the USA and USSR, so today the strategy of the 1960s (known as 'flexible response') had been thrown into doubt by development of parity at lower levels.

In the 1983 Margaret Thatcher with the Labour government would leave Britain defenceless'. deficit. again the Tory enemy', that we

'Soviet menace, the Labour leadershir has stepped squarely back onto that same terrain. Instead of campaigning been for Labour's unilateral nuclear disaropen. mament policies, heading into the next general election apologising for them.

The this.

The defence published yesterday one con- British Labour Party's editorial on 11 December cerns how far it stands up as a serious statement of defence policy. The other is about the likely effect on Labour's electoral chances.' answer to the first question. And as far as ine Financial Labour Party 'is unilaterally disarming nuclear itself'.

The Economist was of the view: The "Labour is trying to steal the government's clothes. demolished Labour's chosen methods for trying to do so: 'Despite Labour's protestations, the awful truth is that nuclear weapons deliver far more bang for their buck than men and machine guns.'

In one sense these views are dead right. The last way for Labour to win the argument over defence is by adop ting a cranky version of Tory political thinking.

If the Labour leadership accepts the and cold war ideology Reagan it possibly persuade the British elec The torate to vote for unilateral nuclear disarmament? If the enemy's ICBMs are pointed at your front door, there's little hope of defending yourself with a rifle or a tank.

Thatcher's arguments are coherent and Labour's aren't. The electorate is perfectly capable of seeing that. And she has already proved herself as Britain's number one cold-warrior. shen gey la yo te let hee morkey powers grinder?

The right wing of the Labour movement also understand this argument perfectly well and are stepping up their campaign New Statesman of 5 December carried an editorial which began:

Party must change its defence policy.' been Its editor, John Labour "cannot unilateralism is the best way of achieving its ends because, evidence, it is not' (author's italics).

A week later Robert Maxwell joined the attack. The Sunday Mirror boasted a front-page banner headline 'Let the nation vote on defence'. Maxwell has launched a campaign for a referendum, complete with the address to which let-

Labour and 'defence'

ceremony, delence

Kinnock, Dennis Healey

Beneath the tinsel of

Power to Defend Our

government would roll back to the right.

Top judged,

their

poses a potential

to election The message is that they are government.

compared

Wing elected.

tivist remembers

general election, claimed that

By accepting yet definition 'the are threatened by a

Labour

Financial Times understood steady "There are two questions about the

strategy • TO years.

' began its

'modified'

Not at all was its

election was concerned, the government Times concluded that the

equally sharply

file.

policy

point came at HICLCLC

of Thatcher and — and it does - then how can

'redefined"

Britain.

four.

Why

reelect organ-

against unilateralism.

"The Labour

first.

Lloyd, argued that that convutce Because on the available

"defence' policy. campaign

cecnce

Socialist Action 19 Dec 1986 7 ters of support can be sent, to get Neil Kinnock off the unilateralist hook.

The right wing have no qualms about ditching unilateralism. The only question for them is how? They are every bit as eager as the Tories to main-

though, couldn't done without the risk of blowing UP le fragile balance that has been developed between the right and the 'soft left', allowing the leadership to jerk the party

Unilateralism presented a real pro. blem for the project of the party leadership. It was the one issue where they

correctly, that any serious moves to abandon policy would blow

plans sky high. It was unilateralism more than any other issue which persuaded the rank and file, 1983, to elect Neil Kinnock as a 'left' SCHeNU LIC bOlLY

Now the right wing feels the wind in las cank hucrek no carnce winsoeve of the bourgeoisie quietly accepting the

of unmalerals Labour The secret services tapping Harold Wilson's phone is nothing

to wnat ine rulne class would do if there was any chance of a real nuclear disarming government be-

At the same time it is getting very close to an election, and every party ac-

what happened to Labour in 1983. Not many constituency parties will like the defence campaign, but few will feel in a position to publicly denounce it.

That is why the fundamental contict in Labour policy support for unilateral nuclear disarmament and commitment to the rhetoric of NATO

was brought to the forefront in Defence and Security for Britain passed by annual conference in 1984. It is that contradiction which is now allowing the

right openly to act. The ground-work has already been laid by

erosion of the conference policies which have been won over the

First the long-standing commitment to reduce arms spending has been

to the point where shadow spokesperson Denzil Davies stood up in the House of Commons only one week before Modern Britain was launched and declared that a Labour

would defence budget, in real terms, for the duration of its office. What he didn't say was that the last seven years of Thatcher, defence spending has risen 20 per cent at today's prices

That shift has been accompanied b! an upping of Labour's pro-NATO pro-

'firm commitment' alliance was restated first in the 1984 memorabie, and most disgusting, higs- statement

this year's pary conNeil Kinnock's presidenial speech was splattered with references to our 'friends in the United States' and democracy that NATO artorded protection freedom and

That same speech saw just the beginning of the frontal .attack unilateralism. US nuclear bases were

1l1 exactly the way that Denic Healey said they should be in the summer of 1984, when he welcomed the publication of Defence and Security for

Out of the 130-odd nuclear facilities on British soil and in British waters, Kinnock pledged we'd get rid of

This process went one stage further Wednesday last. At the press launch of Modern Britain, Neil Kinnock admitted that nuclear bases could be removed from Britain in a short space of time, but their actual removal would be subject to 'discussions' with the USA.

The truth is that when it comes to a choice between NATO and unilateral nuclear disarmament then every word and every deed of the Labour leadership has shown NATO comes a clear

There is ni question that th United: States will accept unilateral 'nuclear disarmament by Britain.

the Labour leadership refuses to challenge cold war positions it cannot come up with any coherent

The Modern Britain announced that loud and clear last week. At the Wednesday press

Kinnock, Hattersley and Davies handed Margaret Thatcher a whopping Xmas present.

Page 8 scan of this page

Developing a programme for Britain

8 SINCE LABOUR Party ference the 'campaign left' of the party has undoubtedly taken the

offensive Labour's 'soft left'. The crisis of perspective in the Labour Coordinating Committee (LCC), the main 'soft left' organisation in the Constituency Labour Parties, and in the 'Democratic Left' in the National Organisation Labour Students (NOLS), is quite open. The recent pages Tribune are dominated by debate between different sections of the soft left over what attitude they should take to Labour Liaison (LLL).

In the unions the situation is different. Here right gaining overall with the serious development in the TGWU. Signs of the emergence of a new 'soft left' grouping around NUPE, GMBATU, and USDAW are only a small counterbalance to the threat of the left losing the support of the single largest union — one of whose vote it has been able to gain on important in-

main areas radicalisation in the trade unions today are in the public sector and white collar unions - the NUT and CPSA being the most important examples. Blatant state prepared to try to decapitate NUM.

In a number of ways the situation in the labour movement is moving more towards the pattern that existed from the 1920s to the late 1960s -

wing LLIs ana youth organisations, and a clear right wing fake left majority in the unions. The tactics of socialists have to be to consolidate the left wing's position in the and youth organisations, and to build a left wing minority in the unions. The possibilities for this are more favourable than in the 1920s and the 1930s because the defeats suffered by the trade union movement today, while serious, are nothing like as crushing as in that interwar period.

Political developments within the Labour Party reflect this situation. The development of the Campaign Group of Labour MPs, of Labour Left Liaison, constituency-based campaigns,

TABLE 1:

Structure of British society (1984)

Und retirement age.

wared workelble for

Employees Unemployed Working class

elf-employe

lomemaker Students Sick and disabled Retired Other Total

TABLE 2:

White male workers Black male workers Women workers Total All black workers

Socialist Action 19 Dec 1986

con- most recently the

the overall

against must consolidate its

the CLPs, and,

up with the new

of trade unions as a whole.

of By John Ross

Left

Tortes are

most

the

of

the

the working class. has promoted

Labour

before

domestic manufacturing base.

doned the

important

and

millions o of total

population

21.0 17.2

20.1 33.2

2.9

23.0 42.6

2.5 4.6

3.5 6.5

54.0 100.0

Sexual and racial division of the working class

23.0

establishment of Campaign Group News, fits in with

development. The left

potentially, in Labour's youth organisation, connect

radicalism in the public sector and low paid white collar unions, and use this as a platform in the labour movement from which it can help build up its position in the

This task requires a programmatic development by the left in Britain and by Marxists. The CLPs and Labour's youth organisation are a base where the left today can maintain a majority — a platform for activity which must be consolidated. But the majority of the working class is never going to be in the CLPs and neither are youth the majority of the working class. Winning the majority of the working class means winning the majority of the working class organised in the trade unions — a task which will take very many years and very long-term effort. The fact that socialists are in a protracted struggle for socialism in Britain means they must have a longterm strategy and programmatic goals for that fight. This is particularly important as the Thatcher government does have a clear strategy for British society, both for the ruling class and

Within the ruling class Thatcher

La concentration of capital and an expansion of its inter national operations. Never has British

World War Il has its operations been so international. Thatcher has promoted the most powerful and international sectors of British capital - at the expense of the size or thi

In its policy for the working class the Thatcher government has aban-

'one nation' framework that dominated the Tory Party from Disraeli to Heath. Unable any more to make concessions to all sections of society British imperialism is now consciously sawing society in two -artempung to consondale a relalvery privileged section of the population, including a significant section of the society.

starting

% of population. of 'working age'

:

60.9 8.8 sky

69.7 7.6 10.6 reality,

cess.

100.0 of

working clas British 55.2 2.0 42.6 union 100.0 3.9

working class, perfecting methods of repressive rule against those to whom it can no longer offer concessions.

This policy is seen in every sphere: in the move to the system of 'core' and 'peripheral' workers in industry, in the increasing north-south division in politics, in the increasing pay differentials between skilled and unskilled workers, between men and women workers, white and black workers, older and young workers, between those in jobs and those who are unemployed, between the employed population and the pensioners. It can be seen again in the teachers pay dispute, in the attempt to widen the differences in pay between grades. Every differential and division within British society is being increased as the key to Thatcher's strategy.

To deal with this assault socialists must Have a prustallic, as concielll and as all embracing as Thatcher's -a true hegemonic strategy in British

This programme cannot be reached in one attempt. There must be systematic study of British society to develop such a programme.

that urgent socialists are to capitalise on any gain: made in the last perio

A central part of that programme, its starting point must be the interna tional situation. Without a consistent attitude to imperialism to Eastern Europe, to the necessity of British withdrawal from Ireland, there cannot be a developing socialist strateg) in Britain itself however, is to anderstand the internt, crucial aspect, structure of British society. , As Trot-

wrote: It is false that world economy is simply a sum of national parts of one and the same type. It is false that the specific features are "merely supplementary to the general features, like warts on a face

the national peculiarities represent an original combination of the basic features of the world pro

This originality can be decisive significance for revolutionary strategy for many years.'

The study of the overall structure

British society

Jonson and Bush, do not only

Anatomy Britain, coales

such a systematic overall study

society. The result is that a series of studies and activities — class analysis, struggles of women, trade

activity, the fight against racism etc — go on in parallel without being integrated into an overall analysis of the structure of British society and the programme which flows from it. The aim of this article,

OR WOMEN

WE SHALL

OT BEMOVEL

the first of a series, is therefore to

outline briefly some

features of British social structure and

their implications.

The most

British society are shown in Table 1.

The total population of the British

state, excluding the north of Ireland

is approximately 54 million

women, of course,

men by approximately 52 per cent to

48 per cent. Out of that population of

54 million approximately 12 million

are under the school-leaving age and 9

million over the

Therefore 39 per cent of the population are not eligible for waged work.

Turning to those eligible for wag-

ed work the official statistics do not accord exactly with the categories a

socialist would wish to use. Those living from the profit of capital are not specified: 1 ne figures employment' mix up 'labour-only self

employment' reasons and those that would be employers termed 'petty-bourgeois' But categories such as shopkeepers, small if farmers, etc. The

employees, those living from wage and salaries, contain a significant proportion of simple flunkeys of capital, and a tew whose main source of income is profit from capital.

Despite these distortions, there is no reason to doubt that the official statistics give an overall accurate picture of the social structure of the country. Provided the taken as indications of the orders of magnitude. and not as calculations to the nearest decimal characteristics of the structure of the country are clear.

The first feature, of course, is the massive predominance of the working class in British society. "Employees', inose working ior wages or salames and the unemployed, who are almost all looking for waged work, constitute of 23 million people: 43 per cent of the entire population and 70 per ent of the eligible work. the real situation because a significant number of women who would take paid work do not unemployed.

After the working class the largest category is the 3.5 million people who look after the home, women, who form 6 per cent of the total population and the population of After these are 2.9 employed, and 1.3 million students.

These figures show that, contrary to what is sometimes asserted, the

working the chief society.

general features of

with outnumbering

retirement age. tally divided. for 'self-

- which is frequently registered as self-employed

their own

the figure for

of the

ty, the ligures are

point, the cloroni

waged Furthermore this understates

register

almost all

11 per cent of sullity 'working age' million self-

In Depth

class, those selling their labour power, are not the majority of

What is clear, however, is that the working class community is the massive majority of society that is, taking into account not simply those in work but the women In Le working class community who are not in waged work, the children of working class families, and those who have retired as workers Britain is com pletely dominated by the weight of that working class community.

That working class, and working class community, is however substan-

Approximately 4 per cent of the working class is black, a far higher proportion in the big cities. Almost 43 per cent are women.

While the standard caricature is still of white male worker the truth is that by 1984 only 55 per cent of the working class were white male - and the proportion is constantly falling. Already by 1984 45 per cent of the working class where either women or black. Add in the proportion who are gay and Irish and there is no doubt that white male British heterosexuals,

'standard worker', are now minority of the working class. thermore, as we will see, white male British workers are particularly concentrated in the most privileged sections of the working class. The majority of the most oppressed sections

working class are already black, females, or Irish.

Inside the working class community, where women are the majori-

situation is clearer still. reasonable guess would be that 60 per cent of the working class community, and the least privileged, are eithe women, black, or gay. Again if the Irish population is included the proportion is even higher.

This is why those in the labour movement wao counterpose so-called class issues to the demands of women or black people are so wrong. Firstly these so-called class issues pointed to are almost invariably found to be

economic demands are counterposed to specific demands of women and black people, the least privileged sections of the working class. Second it is even more ludicrous to present women and black people, or lesbians and gays, or the Irish population, as being outside the working class. On the contrary they represent, as we have seen, almost 50 per cent of the working class, and the majority of the working class com-

What is true is that this working class is tremendously fragmented by industry, occupation, and other divisions. That is the feature we will look at in the next article in this series.

Page 9 scan of this page

In Depth

WHAT was taking place in Grenada was not a socialist revolution, but a •DOCCS of social changes. i believe that the basic factor that opened the TOGON - Ilal servea le Unled olales à pretext on a silver platter for invading thạt country, political price — were the activities of an ambitious and extremist sectarian group. in mv view. the mam responsibility for the domestic situation created there lies with Coard. An alleged theoretician of the revolution who had been professor of Marxism in Jamaica. he protited trom his reputation as a theoretically wellprepared man and used this reputaton as a theoretician to promote his personal amibitions and against Bishop.

It is not impossible for the disease of. extremism to take hold ot some people; this often occurs even among petty-bourgeois elements who draw up utopias and try to put them into practice. Unfortunately, aso been cases of extremism in other revolutionary processes.

In Grenada, however, believe it was an extremist policy on Coard's part. Rather, I think, SOlOl ambition Was Coard's motivation and what really confused many people in whom he inculcated extremist ideas from revolutionary positions, as a means of' ganıng supoort. in ine name or tne purity of Marxist-Leninist principles, he portraved Bishoo as a man insutiiciently prepared to lead the country. Very subtly, he did it very subtly.

He worked in the rank and file of the party, the armed forces, Ministry ot the interior presenting himself as an apostle of the purity of ideas — and astutely, little by little, he created the image acillating, reformist Bishop. he

culuscu naly OCUDIC faith in the revolutionary ranks.

Bishop had great popular support and was well liked by the population. But Coard and his

gulur belonged to one of the organisations that joined with Bishop to form the Néw Jewel Movement with the masses. That is, the Coard group didn't work with the mässes; it worked among the party members who were a small group of about 200

and with the cadres and the Ministry of the Interior.

This fifth column, this undermining of Bishop's authority, coalesced at a moment when Bishop had the support of the immense majority of the people -ty within the party, both in the Central Committee and membership. This was the fruit of the

led by Coard Colsolak' group. It explains the senseless and mad step of arresting Bishop and even worse, of firing upon the people and assassinating Bishop. It was that unfortunate event that made it possible for the Reagan administration to perpetrate the cynical tunistic invasion of the country.

If Bishop had been alive leading the people, it would have been very difficult for the United States to orcnestrate te pouncal aspecis or its in-

and bring together that ter vennon group or Caribbean stooges in a so-called coalition that didn't include a single policeman from the Caribbean

- It'was exclusively US soldiers. short, Coard and his group served the United States, on a silver platter, ideal conditions invasion Grenada.

lower

(Bernard)

colspirc

there have

I don't

per- court in basid former members

supposedly

minister Maurice Bishop.

Evasion 1983.

the diwdys from oI a discredit the Thus, government of Bishop.

of good

Obviously,

who

- didn't work

unitedi States,

of the army

for Bishop's death.

group. - though he eraclcate

establish the • lost the majori- country. That's all.

the offered any his fired on the people.

great and oppor- prestige

ternational airport, left Grenada We fully

they well-being, for

them Grenada

ON 5 DECEMBER a puppet

Grenada sentenced to death Bernard Coard and 13 other

the New Jewel Movement, for the murder of Grenada's revolutionary prime

Coard was arrested following the US in-

of Grenada in October Coard

The trial was a farce. It was not aimed to find out the truth on Coard, the verdict was ordained vasion.

the outset, but to try to revolutionary

the United States wanted a show of force, some muscleflexing, to teach a lesson in Grenada. In my view, it committed one of the most inglorious and infamous deeds that a powerful country, such as the

could ever. commit against a small country. The United States did not really do this in a spirit and of justice, or out of solidarity with He Bishop, or to punish those responsible

Rather, it could have been grateful to that irresponsi-

It inaded Grenada the revolution and to reformer regime in that

The government (of Coard) could not have endured. We wouldn't have

support to that government after it murdered Bishop and tion

After we had assumed that attitude, it would have been difficult for any other socialist or progressive country to support that group, because Bishop actually had

authority and great nerna. deep

As soon as we had finished the in-

we would have

endorsed Bishop's policies, because they were realistic. They weren't extremist policies. They were basca upon une counury s Silua tion and its level of development, and

were working for the people's Grenada's development. I think the airport would have meant great economic progress for

was receiving different kinds of assistance to develop revolted,

Bernard Coard and the

murder of Maurice Bishop

A campaign is being carried out by the Morning Star to present Coard as a martyr of the Grenadan revolution. But truth is that Coard does bear full responsibility for the murder of Maurice Bishop — and would be brought to justice by Grenadan people themselves.

staged the coup which overthrew Bishop and responsible for his death creating the pretext for the US in-

Coard by his ultra-leftism, his personal ambition, and

its energy networks, roads, infrastructure, and agricultural production.

I spoke with Bishop when he stopped over in Cuba for the last time both before and after a trip to several socialist countries. He went there to request credits and equipment for power plants and some light industries,

The returned very pleased. highly appreciated cooperation.

Despite everything that happened the United States had no right to invade that nation. Nor does it ever have the right to keep that extremist

prison try them, because no inading force has the right to run the courts and inforce the laws. I think all that is illegal.

Those responsible for the situa-

those who opened the door for th United States - showed that they weren't really such fanatics and ex-

None of the leaders fought against the US army; what they did was to surrender like cowards. they really been revolutionaries, with

convictions, they would have died fighting the inading forces and would not have surrendered.

That is the sad story and the explanation of the events that enabled

United States commit shameful crime in Grenada.

Bishop was a man greatly loved bı the people. He was the leader of th Grenadan people. He had the real, sincere, and enthusiastic support of the people. The group involved in the coup plotted against Bishop, arrested him, fired upon the people when they

futhermore,

bureaucratic methods destroyed a revolution. The current campaign by the Morning Star to present the Coard as a revolutionary hero

and martyr reflects the Stalinst nature both of Coard and of that paper. the To set the record straight we

are printing the account of the destruction of was revolution by

from his book Nothing Can Stop the Course of History. poses both the show trial staged by the United criminal responsibility of Coard his and his supporters themselves.

assassinated Bishop and other leaders. Naturally, this caused and confusion among the masses. 'The United States invaded, insisting that its sole purpose was the noble aim of berating the country trom those people and that it was going to punish Bishop's murderers had fired upon the people. It was OUI thai aliona large neven most ofleie

that countr population cepting, that invasion as desirable We do not employ an intelligence appartatus, intelligence bodies, or intengence metnoas lo galner IlolIllation about what may be happening in a country tions of trust truth is we didn't know about the pro. cess that was evolving, has been one of criticisms of those in charge of co. operation with Grenada diplomatic representation there.

Had During that entire period,

one woman comrade from the Federa. tion of Cuban Women been there for a few days on an exchange visit — had written a brief report to her organisation on the problems she perceived there. its The wild idea of a split in the

country's leadership conceivable. What really did happen? The party was made up of a'small group of members — some 200. The leadership group Coard worked with great subtlety. He did not work openly. He started placing cadre group that had joined Bishop's party.

That more,

could for the future.

gave ali

Trades problem.

problem and, head of

the party

the Grenadan When FIDEL CASTRO

This ex- withın a lev iclile.

States and the

minority

prison,

ACL ULad port.

Frankly, serious

involved

and those who

— to be susceptible to ac- rule the

almost blindly and friendship. The

and that Gucuns oncesi our harshest

and our

only

wno nare

Ilces

was in

quite small. interventior

• that is, people from the

jective truth.

Socialist Action 19 Dec 1986

He did not work openly. He did not dissolve that group; he kept it as a faction. Very quietlý, and gradually, he placed his sworn followers in key positions in the army, as political instructors, in the Ministry of Security, and in some positions in the party. He had

resigned his position member of the Bureau a year earlier as a gesture of setlessness. He went off to a small island and was there laving the role of an isolatea man self-isolated, but he continued be-

In That mas miss

was style So, this developed very subtly, very quietly. And Coard gradually gained a ma jority on the Centrat Committee -and always in the name of principles.

Now then, there's no doubt that Bishop was very noble and, I'd say

naive, because he never gave much thought to the problem. Hi never imagined that a tendency of

type, aimed at isolating him develop and I believe he underestimated the importance Coard's activites.

When Bishop stopped in Cuba on his way to Europe, he spoke with me in the house where he was staying. We talked a lot about the airport under construction, the economic situation, the way projects were going, and ideas

He returned to Cuba and stayed two days. The day before he left, we

intimate reception his honor, to which I invited all the com-

in the Political Bureau, the comrade vice presidents of the exectuvive committee of the government, and the ministers who had to do with co-operation in Grenada.

When Bishop returned to Cuba, he didn't say a single word about his

As l see it. this was tor twc reasons. First, he underestimated the

second, he :may have been embarrassed by the idea of raising an internal problem of his party

By that time, Coard and his group - who by then had gained control of the majority of the leadership bodies

had already made some major decision. They decided to leave him as

. Ine government. but reneve him of his reponsibilities as head of

Bishop arrived at the Grenada airport, Coard was not there to welcome him. A short time later —

days there was a ana ne was now in an ob vious minority. He was already in a

the party leadership!

Events rushed ahead

When the pople's uprising took place, and Bishop was taken out of

OlC of Bishop's comrades went to the embassy to seek our sup-

would have been a political mistake to Lavd authorised Cuban personal to become

in the Grenadian ¡Cull. tinaries' domestic troubles. Bloody combat would have ensued, and, even if things had turned out in Bishop's favour and the US intervention hadn't occurred, Bishop would have had to

country without his party without his army, without the police and security units, and without the revolutionary cadres. Coard had gained control of those institutions, and many of their members believed -

- that they were serv. ing the revolution. It was an absurd situation. I would never, under any

IlaVe authorised the Cuban personnel to have become in. volved. Of that you can be sure. Our answer would have been 'No. But there wasn't even time to answer; there was honce le mswe

When Bishop's assassination was reported, we issued a very harsh state-

"making c ea that political relations with the new leaders of Grenada would nave to undergo profound and serious analysis.

What kept us from withdrawing? We might have had to withdraw in a week, in view of the tenseness of the relations between us. What kept from doing so was the news that US

CEONe. sailing toward Grenada. That was the one moment when we couldn't withdraw from the country. And that's the ob.

Page 10 scan of this page

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Page 11 scan of this page

In the Unions

Free

MikeHicks

demonstrations at Wapping.

Mike Hicks could be got out.

Another member of the Hicks family to address the marchers was Mike's brother, Pat - himself a transport union branch secretary. Pat Hicks won big applause as he appealed for extending "They may lock Michael up, but they can't lock up his ideas' he said.

Along with members of the Hicks family, the best received speaker at the rally was Tony Wind explained that he was there in support of the Chesterfield women, who'd turned out in force for the special women's leg of the demonstration.

growth of the movement to defeat Murdoch is the single most important_ polițical development in Britain today' Benn said. He lambasted the scab titles, saying they're produced with 50 per cent scab labour and 50 per cent metropolitan police

Benn explained that the

those who rule in this country is that it helps to divide us men from women, emloyed from unemployed. black from white.

We're here in Wapping not just to support the printers and their families. Here Wapping, we re rebuilding the labour movement from the bottom up. What Murdoch's trying to

of lhatcher and the police is to crush that movement. That's why Mike Hicks is in jail, that's why Terry French is in jail' he con-

Fight Baker's law

ting over 250 amendments for debate.

tions of service of 400,000 teachers.

cover for a full-scale assault on trade union rights.

Giles Radice MP, Labour Party spokesperson on education, addressing mass lobby organised by the National Union of Teachers on Wednesday 10 December, declared that a ture Government would, as one of its first

repea this legislation if it becomes law. The TUC has declared its opposition

Bill and even the SDP/Liberal Alliance came

THOUSANDS OF marchers converged on the Wapping fortress last Saturday in the biggest show of force for some time in the 11-month dispute. At the head of the Tower Hill leg of the demonstration was Rosemary Hicks, wife of Mike Hicks, a member of the SOGAT national executive committee, jailed on 5 December. Hicks, who is closely identified with the dispute, was sentenced to twelve months imprisonment, eight of them suspended, for an incident alleged to have occurred during one of the regular peaceful Saturday night

Rosemary was one of the speakers at the end-ofmarch rally. She thanked everyone for turning out and expressed her confidence that, with united action,

cluded to huge applause. applause.

Another speaker to take up defence of Mike Hicks and victimised miner Terry French was Labour MP, Jeremy Corbyn. ' 'We've got a message for the TUC and Labour leadership' Corbyn said. 'If we stand aside and allow them to walk over us they wil walk over

eve indest a de miners

miners union national executive has also called for the 'immeulale Ielease 0l ivilkc Hicks All the speakers captured the new mood of confidence of the sacked printers - both in the battle to free Mike Hicks and for jobs and union recognition.

On Thursday, December, an inter-union all four unions involved discussed how to escalate the dispute. A resolution was adopted calling for recalled TUC in light of the general council's refusal to implement congress policy on Wapping.

The meeting called for a week of action leading up to a major demonstration on 24 January to mark the first anniversary of the dispute.

The TUC will be called on to support the action campaign. Speakers at the 24 January demonstration will include Brenda Dean, Tony Dubbins, Ron Todd and Tony Benn. Printers leaders were confidently predicting that the rally would be chaired by Mike Hicks.

KENNETH BAKER, Secretary of State for Education, was successful in pushing his Bill on teachers' pay and conditions of service through Parliament on Thursday, 11 December despite Labour MPs submit-

The Bill, which now goes to the House of Lords, will abolish all existing negotiating machinery, establish an 'Advisory Committee' which will report to him and give him the sole rights to determine the pay and condi-

It represents one of the most vicious attacks on trade union rights in the lifetime of this Government. It is similar to the attack on the GCHQ workers and confirms that the Tories' threat to ban industrial action in certain 'emergency' industries was simply a

out against it.

Declarations of opposition will not be enough however. Industrial action By Bernard Regan will be needed to defeat the bill. But at the last meeting the NỰT, the right wing leadership relected a proposa. from the Inner London Teachers' Association for a

dockers in 1972 (Photo: Morning Star). broadening support for the pickets. Christmas appeal Baker one day national strike and demonstration early in the New Year to nut across the strength of opposition to the Bill.

The arguments used against the proposal ranged from the fake left one that a one day strike will not enough to defeat the Bill, to the now familiar one that tie lask is to will lie Dallie

Mike Hicks, on loud-hailer, greets release of 'Pentonville 5'

MURDOCH

ARKERS WIVE

Hundreds of women marched behind the Women Against Murdoch banner in a special women's leg of Saturday's demonstration to Fortress Wapping. WAM is a growing force in the dispute, boosting the morale of the sacked printers and

Women Against Pit Closures were represented on Saturday's march by contingents including from North Derbyshire where WAM were recently guests at a social. WAM have now been invited to Kent where they will be guests of WAPC there.

Brenda Dean responded to WAM's call to attend the demonstration. Dean called on the TUC to 'get off its knees and stand on its feet' beside the sacked printers. WAM has raised thousands of pounds as part of the Wapping 'toys and turkeys'

• Donations and requests for speakers to WAM's secretary, Eileen Beer, c/ Kingsway London Women's Centre, Wesley House, 4 Wild Court, London WC

for public support and that strike action should not be considered. In effect the so-called Broad Left leadership of the NUT, consisting of the Kinnockites, Communist Party members, of the New DUVUUILCLN Communist Party. Com-

munist Party of Britain VAS-CHOISE others having spent £52,000 on an advertising campaign in The Guardian The Independent, Daily Telegraph and the London Standard have no plans for continuing the campaign.

For some the only idea they have is waiting for the next General Election and hoping that a Labour Government will be returned Rather than really fighting Baker's law, they seem more intent on a attacking those in the union who do want to fight.

The ability of teachers to launch a real fightback against Baker's law depends very much on the result of the ballot that has been tak ing place on the deal struct by the with == Labour led Local Educ tion Authority employers

PT GROUP

and ratified in ACAS.

Manv areas inside the NUT are totally opposed to lne deal and a strong snow of opposition to the deal will strengthen the tigh against his dictatorial

Without doubt, possibility of a fightback is there. Labour Authorities should take Giles Radice at Hus work to dece a they will not discipline any icacner wno reruses to ac cept any conditions posed by the Tories using Baker's legislation. Other Town Hall unions should declare thay they will not participate in any disciplinary measures against teachers resulting from this attack. The TUC and the Labour Party should back a national demonstration against the Tory Bill.

The Local Association Pay Action Campaign will be holding a conference on

of London Union. Valet Secedes: coped

be 0=10=00

Inside

the unions

Choices facing

TGWU

TGWU. This

secretary, secretary,

elections.

By Steve Vokes, GWU and autumn.

book claiming "it was perfect'.

MPs.

Todd nominate from within their areas.

to fill the regional secretary's job.

Con scarcely be

of the TGWU.

help of the CP influenced Broad Left.

Nicholson,

want

the path of the right wing unions.

clear. It is expected that next year's delegate conference,

policy in the union the ecutive.

420.

for the union.

campaigning and

Tensive unionism and 'loyalty to Kinnock support for right wing political policies.

and dealer ace stakes cold not be

take place. The stakes

the right.

dion going to be reversed.

Socialist Action 19 Dec 1986 11 THE LAST YEAR has seen an escalating power struggle in Britain's largest union, the

has seen the 'soft left'

Tribunite leaders Ron Todd, the general

and Bill Morris, deputy general opposed by the executive led by Brian Nicholson — the chair of the TGWU.

This year's TGWU national executive elections saw a swing to the right. Under the new trade union laws elections at trade group conferences were replaced by direct ballot

The first meeting of the new executive saw right winger Duffy, from the northern region, elected as vice chair on a 21:20 vote at the EC, followed by the unprecedented move of not allowing the union's new black deputy general secretary, Bill Morris, a place either on the TUC general council or the Labour Party national executive committee

ine struggle continued through the summe

At the rules revision conference in July, the executive of the union advised delegates against voting for any amendments to the rule

Labour Party conference saw further trouble as Nicholson tried to overrule Todd in the voting for the women's section of the NEC. Todd called for the union delegates to vote for Joan Maynard and Margaret Beckett, both TGWU sponsored

Nicholson argued they were 'too left' for the union. Todd's view was only carried on the votes of the full-time officials of the union

This fight around who controls the TGWU has now reached a new stage over the replacements for retiring regional secretaries — the most powerful full-time TGWU officials after the national officers, who virtually run the union's 11 regions Twice in recent months the regional executive's advice on filling posts in the Scottish region and the south west region has been ignored by the national

has supported the regions' right to The right wing led executive has wanted the jobs to go outside the region, so that a candidate of their choice could be imposed. Last week Todd lost the latest round in the battle when the executive voted 16-15 to interview applicants from outside Region 3 (south west)

This divide in the largest union in the country

underestimated. Behind the manoeuvring lies different conceptions of the role

Todd is a traditional leader in the mould of Jack Jones and Moss Evans. He is 'centre left' and, like his predecessors, elected with the

contrast, wants to turn the union much more to the right — he is reputed to

• more industrial trade unionism and less political posturing' according to some of his supporters, and 'more support for Neil Kinnock'. In other words he would draw the TGWU closer to

Clearly with such a slim majority Nicholson has to tread carefully but the warning signs are

bi-ennual the highest bodv of the union, will see a swing to the right with changes in

carried on the basis of recommendations by the Nicholson controlled ex-

The problem for the left in the TGWU is similar to that experienced in the AEU 10 years

The so-called Broad Left is nothing but an election machine. It never meets nationally except at bi-ennual delegate conference — and then by invitation only. It does not have a coherent strategy

The results are now becoming clear. By no

winning support in all the regions of the TGWU the Broad Left has allowed the right wing to consolidate a power base in its regions. This right wing has now gone onto the of

questions trade - meaning

Only if the left in the TGWU begins to organise

can a fightback higher Because a right wing dominated TGWU would shift the entire situation in the labour movement to

At the present time the right wing is gaining Only if there is a political awareness, a strategy, and a will to organise among the left is that situa

Page 12 scan of this page

Sanctions Year in '87

THIS YEAR has seen a number of successes for the international campaign regime. has taken its toll with both the undermining of business confidence and the beginning of international sanctions, writes PHIL WATERHOUSE.

The British government remains a bulwark against the international tide of opinion and action Against this background the National Committee of the AAM launched its new strategy for sanctions

This Oftensive for Sanctions' is meant to put the issue firm v back the agenda right from the beginning of the year. As the document states, 'we need to hit much harder at those directly inyolved in collaborating with the apartheid regime; and we need to be able to present the case for comprehensive sanctions ie the total isolation regime, with much greater CHICCL

There is a danger in the incremental application of partial sanctions packages

against Pretoria in that it gives all opportunity for

the African

adapt.

Moreover, there is really

no time for a stra or san

escalating series Solu tions over a period of time.

AAM President Abdul

Minty wrote in AA News

that 'the present situa tion, the AAM's tradi-

and consistent

policy of demanding com-

prehensive, mandatory

sanctions against South

Africa takes on a new im-

portance.'

The new package of of-

fensive aves

'people's' and 'trade

sanctions a central

role. Local AA groups are

asked to start the ball roll-

ing,. by calling local coThese will lead to meetings.

These

tional Month of Action in

action by the trade union

movement. •Appeal

RATESE Inland

16 months EB:

12 months £i5 Overseas (2 months only)

Europe £17, Air Mail 624 /Double these rates for multi-reader institutions)

Name iddress

SOCiAList

ACTiON

isolate the apartheid The crisis-ridden South African economy

People's Sanctions' will be published to identify the range of popular actions which could undertaken.

'National Convention tor sanctions will be held in June to prepare for the next stage in the cam paign.

The whole programme for 1987 is to be roundec off with a major national

al lne of October. The AAM will

'Manifesto publish a 101

Sanctions', arguing the

'case for sanctions and ex posure of British policy.

The manifesto, while not in isent a comprenensive package for sanctions against South Africa seen as part of such necessary occase.

demanding the implemen-

tation of what has already been agreed to in principle. It is planned to get the manifesto adopted local councils, trade union

bodies and other organisa-

tions. Candidates and par-

ties are to be approached

during the genera 1 election to soonsor lic manicslu

giving an opportunity for

the Labour Party to give a clear commitment as

would do government as opposed to

what it would like the UN

to implement.

B P

Within this overall

campaign the AAM Will

concentrate its energies on

particulal

with the deepest links in

apartheid South Africa -

Shell and Barclays.

SUBSCRIBE

SociAlist

ACTiON

I enclose cheque/PO payable to Socialist Action for € • Send ro: Socialist Action Subs, PO Box 50, London N1 2XP

Shell has already been the target of an internationally co-ordinated series of actions this year, in Holland and the US as well as Britain.

statement on Barclays was issued jointly by the AAM and End

Africa (ELTSA). . It registered the decision to sell up its South Africa holdings as an im-

victory for the sanctions campaign. At the same time it explains that Barclays by no means has withdrawn completely from apartheid. They tend to maintain responding relationship with the new bank, involving and technology assistance;

will continue credit lines; the siow repatriation of the sales proceeds means that Barclays still have substantial investments in the country, they have already colluded on a rescheduling of the £¾ billion outstanding debt to them. The paign against Barçlays will continue, with a six month moratorium to demand that Barclays actually complete its withdrawal from South Africa, and completely repatriate all its concerns from South Africa. The bank is worried and have requested a meeting with AAM.

«Unlop

The National Committee took a series of further

discussions to regularise the financial

situation movement, to finalise details of

the AGM and to repeat the

very successful week of action over Namibia next

year. All the proposals will

be put to the movement's

annual general meeting on

10/11 January.

FANIE GODUKI is from Last year he was arrested sheltering from the rain. "The police wanted me to say 1 stones. I told them I did nothing and they said they would hit me until I told the truth. They started to hit me with pipes and with their fists. They kicked me all over with their big boots. They only stopped

very sore?

Fanie eventually 'confessed'. He was locked up with 12 adults in the main police station in Johannesburg He stayed there for 57 days — one of some 8.00 vouths aged betweer

and 18 detained under

present state of until his him released

was charged January ne with public violence, and found not guilty.

Under South Africa's new press censorship it is now illegal Fanie's story. It is illegal to

put identia alament

detention, treatment or release of detainees held under the emergency regulations'. It is even 1llegal to leave blank spaces in newspapers, symbolising words censors. Nothing may be printed about anti-apartheid organisations, boycotts, strikes or campaigns of civil disobedience.

Winnie Mandela responded to the censorship saying that the regime

takes such action 'when it has a lot to hide. Admist a wave of international conculatul Labour's front bench

Donald spokesperson. Anderson said the

measures implied 'a major stride toward a dictatorship'. And National Union of Journalists general secretary Harry Conroy, said the union was calling an urgent leadership meeting act sp red res 'this latest

repression', ticularly in relation to its members working there.

But the new censorship have implications freedom, which beyond DICS:

important that is. In reality they are

simply the latest in a series

measures

crushing the liberation

struggle the

region.

A spokesperson of the

SOUTH AFRICA

VIOLENCE'

GUSA an 11-year-old schoolboy Alexandra township, near Johannesburg.

was throwing

when my tooth came out. I was bleeding a lot and

Africar National Con-

(ANC in London said that the of emergency imposed in

had already hidden from view a great deal of the killings, detentions and forced removals. these measures the apartheid regime are trying to totally crush the democratic movement in our country'.

By Jon Silberman

The state of emergency was imposed against background of rising mass struggle the growth of

United Democratic Front which now has 22 million members and 700 organisations under umbrella, the formation of COSATU, the trade union confederation of more than half a million, with the fast-growing miners union as its backbone, the mushrooming of community organisations.

The apartheid regime needed attack this massive movement at its root. The hugely cessful strike on May Day and the wave of struggles in the townships which collaborators with the apartheid regime were roundly defeated and the imminent mobilisations in Soweto were the immediate occasion for the crackdown.

The state of emergency was imposed. Using the sweeping powers of the emergency police and troops swamp-

townships counter-offensive aimed at HONSLAT their tottering supporters. They 25,000 have detained some people, meanwhile seeking to divide the popular movement along tribal, national and faction lines.

In October, the government declared the UDF an 'affected organisation

- cutting off all financial

...MORE AND MORE

assistance to it from outside the country.

regime expelled 69,000 Mozambican workers, signalling a new offensive against the frontline states which has seen the murder of Samora Machel, heightened military attacks on Mozambique and Angola, the killing of anti-apartheid leaders in Lescro and a massively in crease repression in Namibia.

Last month, the courts confirmed that 1987 would witness a marathon trial of 19 anti-apartheid activists aimed at outlawing the UDF.

The press censorship laws are proof positive that despite such repressive measures, the regime has been unable to stem the tide of the liberation struthe.

The skids pere move

said the move was 'a sign of the regime's desperation. It is unable to quell the nationwide resistance to its policies'

Since the imposition of the state of emergency, all sections of the democratic movement have been engaged in struggle against the regime. From 300,000 students on strike or locked out of the schools in their fight against repressive regulations introduc ed in July; to over 600,000 workers including 300.000 miners who struck in response to the kinross disaster and to the 30,000 miners who took strike action against Gold Fields;

the saluatiot

Birmingham ANC

MORE THAN 500 people turned out for an ANC children's Xmas appeal and solidarity rally in Birmingham town hall on December, writes BOB SMITH.

The event was sponsored by Birmingham City council, the West

Midlands regional TUC and Birmingham district Labour Party.

Over £5000 was raised for the ANC's Solomon

WINNIE MANDELA

townships where authoritative "street com-

exist

Al the El present

the UDF, calls broadest scale grass-roots organisation ever. Despite the sharply in creased repression the regime has not succeeded in breaking the mass

Extremely important has been the development of the struggle in Namibia, which has seen mass mobilisations and the formation of a new powerful miners South African attacks on the 'frontline' states have been he formation red

formation of DADCU (South Africa Development Coor dinating Committee and the sending of thousands of Zimbabwean troops to

the Mozambiquan government against the apartheid backed Renamo terrorists

The apartheid state can make no real concessions

the mass Every so-called 'modifica tion it has introduced, such as to the pass laws. has had its counter-policy rendering the whole reform illusory. In the case of the of the Group Areas Act sooner had it been floated than was it shelved. Violent repression endemic the : apartheid system As

Winnie Mandela put it 'our country faces . grimmer days ahead. It is facing more and more, violence.

rally — a big success

Mahlangu freedom centre. Situated in Tanzania, the centre contains a nursery and hospital primary, secondary and technical schools families of those fighting apartheid in South Africa

Since it is not a charity clothes, books, stationery etc are always urgently needed.

for the freedom centre should be

payable to ANC

Children's Xmas

Mandela Street, London NW1.

← Socialist Action No. 154, 5 December 1986Socialist Action No. 156, 9 January 1987 →

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