Socialist Action No. 168, 19 June 1987
The scan: 168-jun-19-1987-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive)
Uncorrected machine reading of the whole issue. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from the scan and has not been corrected or cut into articles. Each page gives the headlines first, then the columns in order, so one article runs on into the next. Expect misread words. Use it to find things; quote from the scan.
Page 1 scan of this page
LESSONS
No. 168
OFA
FOR FOUR years before the election campaign the Labour leadership spent its time attacking its supporters, its left wing, and those engaged in a struggle against the Thatcher government. First the miners were repudiated, then Liverpool council was repudiated, then the councillors defying rate capping were repudiated, then the Wapping strikers failed to get the support they deserved.
The Labour front bench acted as mougn me main enemy contronting society was not the Thatcher government, or mass unemployment, but
SoCiAList
ACTION
BUILDING AN ALLIANCE FOR SOCIALISM
Militant, Sharon Atkin, or the Labour Party Black Section.
After four years of this nonsense suddeniy a high powered machine was turned on which announced that all this was wrong. That the main tasks confronting the country were to rebuna me neain service reduce unemployment, secure decent pensions, defend local government, and rebuild the inner cities.
Can anyone wonder after this why Labour failed to seriously raise its vote last week! The idea Labour can set one agenda for four years, and then set another for four weeks, is absurd. If we have a repeat of that performance in
•19 June 1987 the next four years we are going to have not only tremendous defeats under the third Thatcher government but Labour is going to lose the next election as well.
The announcements coming from the right wing in the press that the task is now to push through one member, one vote' in the Labour Party, move to abolish the National Executive Committee of the Labour Party, and change the system of election of the Labour Party leader are, literally, insane.
Not only are these attacks on Labour Party democracy, but they are of no interest whatsoever to the mass of the working class in Britain. If the Labour right is now going to plunge Labour into a new internal crisis this is
Inside:
• Sinn Fein victory, page 5
Four Black MPs, page 3
South African rail victory, page 9
Women and the family, page
• Ken Livingstone, page 6
one of the most criminal acts which
even it has carried out.
The lesson which should be drawn
from the election is clear. Labour must
be turned outwards. The Labour Party
leadership should be discussing not
how it is going to turn inwards for yet
another purge but how it is going to
support the civil servants and teachers
in the battles. with the government. Se-
cond how it is going to aid Labour
councils and local government unions
to resist the attacks on the inner cities
that are going to be launched by the
Thatcher government. Third how it is
SUDUOIL CYCL group of
workers that is going to be forced to de-
fend itself.
:30г
Attack on Labour democracy, page 2
Then it should be turning to how it is going to win back the millions of trade unionists and members of the working class whose support it has lost in the last eight years and the millions of women and young people whose support it never won, and the black community whose loyal support it never deserved.
Turning the labour movement out. wards to defend those who built it, who will be fighting Thatcher and whose interests Labour is supposed to serve, not turning inwards in the service of a right wing clique that sabotaged every strug. gle against Thatcher and then lost the election. That is the task of Labour ouay
Page 2 scan of this page
Labour right's new attack on
2 Socialist Action 19 June 1987
ACTION
Four years hard
Thatcher
AFTER THATCHER's victory on 11 June it is natural that the first week's response in the labour movement is to analyse why Labour didn't win. But the crucial task is now to organise the fight back against the
The first necessity for understanding how to fight against this government is to understand vulnerable to a challenge in parliament -purely electoral challenges. What it is vulnerable
The time of the biggest domestic crisis for the rebellions of 1981. The most serious crisis of the
Thatcher government rest, above all, on how the
The first task of the entire labour movement is therefore to support those who will be in a struggle with Thatcher. This starts with the civil group of workers, and others, that will have to
against the Tories plans
succeed if guided by a strategic pail i one boy
for mass struggle and for defeating the Tory and Alllance obstacles to Labour. That has to be a labour movement.
The situation in mass politics is clear. Labour has today made a recovery in Scotland and the
north almost to the point where it could form a
government. But it is blocked not simply by the
ories but by the Alliance in the south
still remains third, behind the Alliance, in the
whole of the south of England outside London.
rosperous. sections of the working class.
that means also in the south of England, created, for the moment, a solid anti-Labour
But the trade unions today also show the same divisions in a different form. The extreme
by_skilled, higher
above all the EETPU and AEU. These are today
'the south' of the trade union movement. It is the
militant industrial union, the NUM is led by class
struggle forces - although there are forces that
support class struggle policies in other unions.
Inside the Labour Party the Campaign Group
continues to enjoy majority support in the con;
stituencies. There are class struggle forces par-
ticularly concentrated in the black community
What these class struggle
labour movement have to have is a strategy for
fighting Thatcher - and those who, in practice,
her position inside the labour
ment. There will certainly be no shortage of occa-
cher government's policies on education, local
government and the trade unions alone, not to
there will be a whole series of mass struggles in
be organised, above all their political perspec.
tives have to be clarified and they have to take
united front initiatives towards the Kinnockites
and in the 'new realist unions.
has to lead the struggles
government in every field -
political. Through this it has to develop its own
organisation and political clarity, It has to lead
where Kinnock failed - in the struggle against
the most reactionary government in Britain this
century.
the
government was the miners
VIC
Ives. In particular, as this
for the inner cities. of concentrating r ensure that
The class struggle forces which exist have to
This, therefore, is the task of the left now. It
against the Thatcher trade union and
democracy
AFTER THE general election, the right wing's new strategy for taking control of the party is already emerging: they are turning their attention to Labour's constitution. Getting rid of MPs accountability to their local parties by introducing a system of one member one vote (OMOV) is the right's foundation stone for a series of constitutional changes designed to totally transform the relationship between the Labour leadership and its rank and file. The right's objective remains the same as always: turning Labour into a 'centre left' party that the bourgeoisie considers safe to govern. modified by the experience of the past few years, and
particularly of the election campaign itself. CAROL
wing as vote
simply be
LICH the Labour
the constitution. " oI
only
SCOl KCCi
election.
they can thoroughly
nuclear other
policies regard
This
to turn the
and file
.of MPs.
"There are
Party:
make sure une 900
really policy
ed that
But: "The defence
VOLCO
would do change
able.'
the Independent carried a front-page lead that 'Labour plans crush power of the hard left. It reported: Plans for
But the method of achieving it has been
radical restructuring of the Labour Party hierarchy to undercut the influence of the left and conccutiale more power in the hands of
Have
loyalist • Cl wingers the Tribune
councils. the new structure, will in-
would
vote principle
which he • to ser
a proposa abolish the
As the In-
denendent 'explained:
and
Since June, most
stories on
plained:
member vote demo
clau
the
of 'the
right's strategy
Under the way Peter Kellner
offered and
apart, he
MOTe party.
nock's
"There are
Labour plans to crush
122
images
tisonned has
the
and
Having analysed the
asked.
rather does that on
concluded:
its
his will. has
ment' to Kellner
refers far from
16
power of the hard left
mentary Party more power the na-
The into the the with OMOV.
the policies by
CLPD
such a
tinued composite
procedure before the
the na-
paper
ing options for
Labour
Of OMOV
for a
voting' every party
member.
first step
leadership
of
ICC.
terference annual
fran-
chise'
•will in the Could
Election '87
party policy. In practice it will take power out of the hands of the party's activist rank and file and place it firmly in the grip of the
been
designed to alc isolate trade
to the national leadership the maximum for
to inbourgeols tervene Likewise, introducing
Party
Under OMOV
wing candidate
wing MP candidate
the Sun.
such as
The aim,
the power the
members.
The final
the
toral college, elect - a John
The
the
could get in
always, the
prepare
goals coming changes
WId taking
the of the
'charis-
matic and the
gressIve
The of
Page 3 scan of this page
An historic break-through
Election '87
THE ELECTION of four black Labour MPs on Thursday 11 June 1987 was an historic breakthrough - not just for black people in Britain, but for the whole of the working class. It is a breakthrough owed to the Labour Party Black Section and the fight of black members for representation at all levels. If some in the Labour Party want to downplay the significance of these four elections, black press headlines, on papers like the Gleaner, the Voice, and the Asian and Caribbean Times graphically show. For the rest of the labour movement it is an historic moment when the white monopoly on working class representatives has been broken.
Paul Boateng for Brent South, Bernie Grant for Tottenham, and Keith Vaz for Leicester East, has challenged the racist belief in some Labour Party circles that the party cannot stand black candidates because they lose seats for Labour. But it is only one step in the long fight against racism. DIANE ABBOTT will be the first black woman MP to take her seat in Westminster. She told Socialist Action the significance of these elections for black people, for the Labour Party, and for the left. DESPITE LABOUR'S overall defeat in the general election, black people • Tee four black MPs elected is a momenous sicp forward for them
The first responsibility of black MPs is to our constituencies, provide a service and to represent the needs of all our constituents whatever their col-
But over and above OLI. that, inevitably, we Will have a responsibility to black people nationally.
Whether we like it or not we will be a focus for black. people.
The opposition ran a racist campaign against us.
It IS urusual feature your opponents in literature to publicise them But Hackney North the SDP even put out a leaflet with a picture of me on it. that es used the theme that was dangerous CuCus.
Their election address carned a simple message: we
De the artebil an ep
Diane Abbott out parlament.
They made no bones COL L a onc icve lil Tories were talking about
CALICIINI but U1 another level it was about race.
I was supposed to hate whites, to be anti-Semitic, to be anti-Royalist and
The opposi1uc1101 tion blatently used the race card against Labour's black candidates. it i had
nasty Bernie Grant had an even worse one. Despite the proDisanda, Abbotte Bernie Grant, Diane Boateng and Keith Vaz were elected for Labour.
The: last black candidate wio lat witha Serious chance of winning
David Pitt Clapham. He lost the seat,
self-organisation and self-
certainly don't as the
The election of Diane Abbott for Hackney North, and the mythology grew un that vou couldn't run black candidates in safe scals.
Now we've killed that myth. Keith Vaz actually increased Labour s vole. He polled 46.2 per cent of voles cast Inl Leicester Casi
a 2.8 per cent swing trom Conservatives Labour.
That clears the way for change. Our election will make it a lot easier to black candidates to be selected and win seats next time round.
Overall, Labour fought a good, profes. sional campaign. But it cưne cn oo be
Too much time was spent betore the election attayi Tane the left in the
did Dal Ly. good. And we failed to convince people that had economic policies, distinct from those of the SDP, that could actually deliver the things we promised.
There is no doubt that Mrs Thatcher
ilas victory on the level of ideas. She had been able to promote individual com-
and the DCLILIVCHCSS market over the collective values that Labour stands for The criticism of the London ettect. Hacery the press and by right wingers in the labour Par-
alike, is quite wrong. The differences aeR u geographical. The fact is that in the Labour Party the differences on this are political, between right and left.
I hope that the black MPs will work close'v with their local Black Sections
we al have them - and with Black Section nationally and black
campaigns nationally, always remembering of course that our obligations to our constituents have to come first.
I hope that the black MPs will be able to work closely with the left of the DalILV But there are some unresolved questions on the left as to the exact rela. tionship between race and class
Hopefully the black MPs will be able to belp the left resolve them. Having black MPs taking part in the left at the parliamentary level, as at other levels, can only strengthen the left.
TIMES Caribbean
E OUR TIME
HAS COME
Bernie Grant
Black press welcomes the results seats, leaving only 10 Conservative MPs
government in Scotland.
Labour achieved 42.39 per cent of the votes cast -an increase trom 34 per cent in 1983. In some seats, the swilg lo CaDOUI Was high as 13 per cent. The average swing was 7.32 per cent.
The Conservatives won only 19 per cent of all Scottish votes cast. Despite the
of SaCICI tionally, some pleasure was felt as Tory heads rolled in Scotland.
Michael Ancram lost his seat in Edinburgh South with a swing to Labour's Alistair Darling showing a clear rejection of Ancram's introduction of the poll tax plan in Scotland. John Cor-
AeX Fletcher. ANS d McCurley, John Mackay, all went. A total of 11 Tories lost their seats.
The Conservative Party in Scotland now have the lowest number of Scottish
Never. a.ves anOnS those who held on, there We.le SOlC sc Shaves Defence secretary George Younger had his 8000 majority in Ayr slashed to 182.
Labour was clearly seen
only party which astte could advance a national solution to the attacks that nave been Diact against Scottish people over
The C CEL cals SNP, which had conducted its campaign on the basis of a Tory victory and by putting itself forward as the party of Scottish government, did not significantly alter ils posiion
Dundee East roduce
i disastrous result for th
THE DUST fes seffled, the clamour has subsidised, and Britaln's els
gik Mrs Thatcher's Tory Party an overwheiming mandate for five /
edeine, But for the black community, there was consolation in Sommurily have taken seats in the House of Commons for the first which we may all take pride no melter what our political aftili-
Keith Vaz Diane Abbott
Labour's Scottish triumph
LAST THURSDAY, 11 June, saw the Tories decisively thrown out of Scotland. Labour won 50 of the 72
- not even enough to staff the Scottish office and the necessary government committees. There is even talk of bringing in Teddy Taylor from Southend to serve for the Tory
SNP. Labour's John McAllion ousted the SNF chairperson, Gordon Wiree SNP member otes. Wilson, 5000 votes. been returned to Westminster from the more rural constituencies.
The SDP-Libera] Alliance completely failed to achieve the victories it anticipated. David Steel sav his own majority reduced by over 2000. and in othe central city seats opposition votes ensured aDous return.
By Ann Henderson The Alliance did better n sone or laer a comsuı tuencies. Its only successful wullall candidate in ScotRae Michie, took Argylle and Bute from the Conservatives. The Alliance achieved 15 per cent of GOLSE VOLe CAL witi al average swing away from them of 6 per cent.
The results for Labour were in the cities and industrial areas. In Strathclyde, the largest local authority in Britain since the abolition of the GLC Labour won the highest number of votes cast across Britain: 53.3 per cent.
For the first time in Glasgow's 10 MPs are all Labour, with Georg ILSEVI Galloway taking Hillhead from Roy Jenkins, and Sam Galbraith taking Strathkelvin and Bearsden from Tory Micheal Hirst. quarter of a million votes were cast, for Labour in Glasgow alone, in a turnout
Britan's Best Bla
Will there
be a black
caucus at
Westminster?
by Mack Handese
Britain's new black MPs have hall-
in black political powes a new er of 74.3 per cent, which was . 3 per cent up on 1983.
Pressure has monted rapidly since 11 June for a Ccar Labou ICS DOlSC the results. Many of the Labour MPs immediately called on Thatcher to recognise she had no mandate Scotland. Helen Liddell, chair of the Scottish Labour Party, speaking as the results came in, said we Will oroviae emrecuve opposition that's been shown by this massive vote of confidence'.
Campaign
At the Scottish miners gala in Edinburgh on Saturday June, Campbell Christie called for a coordinated anti-Conservative campaign Scotland. Speaker after speaker, including Neil Kinnock, pledged to continue the fight against further job losses ana privausanon l Scotland. campaign must be led by Labour though - the weakness of
all-party allance was shown clearly in the retreat on Caterpillar earlier this
yeaThe Scottish Labour
Party executive anaunc Scottish Labour MPs met on Sunday 14 June. Donald Dewar issued a statement immediately after it, demanding a meeting with Rifkind prior the Queen's speech. Proposals included Scottish Assembly, the immediate scrapping of the poll tax, and a commitment to ne further privatisation in Scotland.
This was followed by a statement from the SNP ieadership, promising cooperation with any op osLol olcamscu Dv l Labour Party but Indicating that if Labour does
Socialist Action
VOICE
A NEW ERA
nothing, the SNP will take LOC Cd0
Labour undoubtedly has the responsiblitv and the mandate to take the inItlative LUW. The whole question of Scottish Assembly is centrally back on the agenda in Scotland So is the need for organised resistance the trade
and the whole labour movement, to any further job losses.
Bae tew temaueOds in the Scottish coalfields will fairly
UnucI Hil' mediate threat, , as will the steel industry at Ravenscraig Opposition to the poll tax at every level is also likelv. But the labour move ment must take resporiSO lL tor this WILU the Labour Party leading it.
All-party can valeus will not strengthen Labour's hand indeed they have been rejected by the Scottish working people in the votes cast last week The Labour Party can lead this opposition - at a Scottish level, and at a local seve..
Lead
Labour's campaign was well fought in Scotland. All those activists can organised to continue the resistance to Tory rule.
But whilst • Labour's vote increased in Scotiand, it is interesting to note that, alc ver Cer l undt reach the 55 per cent level recorded at polnts • during the miners strike. The maximum possible Labour sup-
was acac cel
Ther is room for complacency
One critical weakness in Labour's
CaliDaizi Scotland was agreed to be the under-representation of women. Only three women out of 72 candidates were
19 June 1987 3 35p weekly contesting seats for Labour:
Kate Phillips (Dumfries). voTad Morrel (Gordon), and Maria Fyfe (Glasgow Maryhill). Only Maria Fyfe
; likely to win, which she Was did, increasing the majority to 19,364 by a swing of 11.4 per cent to Labour.
Every other party in Scotland had better women
Scottish IlCelilallull Liberals stood 8 women among 36 candidates; the
Tories filded 11.
The Labour Party undoubtedly tailed to make real its policies on women and Ministry Women in its campaign in Scotland. In fact only 11 women were even shortlisted for Scottish seats This in no way reflects the levèl of activity of women in the Scottish labour movement. Nor does it develop TO 8 potential suppori amongst_ women in •COl land for Labour.
This election has seen the complete decline of the Communist Party Scotland. It was only able to resource the standing of 10 candidates, and every one lost their deposit. The highest number of votes polled for a CP candidate was in Dundee with 308
The Green Party has issued a press statement. saying that it now considers itself to be the fifth politica force in Scotland. Certainl it achieved a better percentage vote than the ComHR must Cav Ems mac
After the election, the situation in Scotland . clear.
Only Labour, and the labour movement, can lead an effective opposition to the Tories victory nationally — and the opposition in • Scotland has to be started immediately.
Page 4 scan of this page
Failure to challenge racism brings
After the Durham demo: build the strip search protest
4 Socialist Action
In Brief
Say no to OMOV BEFORE the election, *the Labour NEC circulated a 'consultation paper' to all CLPs and affiliates on procedures for selecting parliamentary candidates.
Despite the • intervention of the general election, local parties are still expected to respond by the end of July." That means that organisations must consider the matter during their current round of meetings.
The NEC's "consultation' is a fake -and must be rejected The exercise is designed to continue the right overturn automatic reselection and stop MPS being accountable to Don't forget conference deadlines NOW the election is over, party activists are turning their minds to conference deadlines.
Walworth Road has put the deadline back
for receipt of conference resolutions to Friday 24 July. That conduct this business at forthcoming wards and general committees.
However, the deadline for amendments to
Campaign Against Strip Searches
Thursday 25 June, The Victoria, Holloway Road (near Holloway
KENT
MUSIC
"TEST«
DEPARTMENT FEDSKINS
•band of
PLUS MANY OTHERS!
STALLS FOOD/BEER TENT EXHIBITIONS -CAMPING= ENTERERNITMENT Free FAMILY DAY on SUNDAY Free ALL TICKETS &4 (Children under 13-FPEE ) STALLS/INFO/TICKETS otc.contact:MARY :0227.457616. •JUSTICE FOR THE SACKED WINE RO!'
19 June 1987 their local parties even on the limited level that
The vast majority of the 11 options offer some sort of direct ballot of party members. They would take power out of the hands of the body to which an MP regularly reports and aggregate it n une nades or mie parliamentary eadership.
The Campaign for Labour Party Democracy has produced a special broadsheet on the consultation exercise. It gives the options before CLPs and a model response to the consultation, together with the arguments of the case.
If you haven't got one already, copies are still available, price 10p from: CLPD, Vladimir Derer, 10 Park Drive, London NW11 7SH.
conference resolutions
and appointment of delegates remains the salllc Friday 14 August.
This is tight. It will
give local parties less than two weeks to read the preliminary agenda and put forward resolutions.
In the vast majority
of cases this means special meetings will
need to be organised to
conduct this business.
Make sure that your
section, affiliated
wara.
organisation and GC
gets its act together in
time.
BENEFIT SOCIAL
tube)
Saoirse playing
Only £1
RS CALA
forty bain on pert marbury. •RALLY - Midday SATURDAY»
•holy joy... HAPPY END...
WITH Sarah Jane Morris (ex-Communards)
West Midlands
SELF-STYLED MODERATES in the Midlands are going to have a hard time convincing ¡anyone that they know the secret of the party's election defeat if their own results are anything to go by.
i picked up 2.1 per cent in the region compared with the national average of 3.3 per cent. held West Midlands seats Labour took one -Wrekin — at the same time losing one of its own in Wolverhampton North East. the Labour Party in the West Midlands, a region which has seen a sharp decline in jobs and living standards under Thatcher, is why has the Tory vote
untie on and a ple outside
HACK
reco make lie salad
black member of the coun-
: Dlack pally
OVER 2000 people through Durham on Saturday 13 June demanding an end to the degrading practice of strip searching women prisoners, carried out in Durham and other jails in Britain and the north of Ireland. Organised by a coordinating body including the Stop the Strip Searches Campaign and the network the demonstration, mainly of women, drew together a wide range of groups including the Irish in Britain Representation Group, the Southall Black Sisters and the Labour Committee on Ireland.
Despite attempts by nolice to disrunt the pro test - at the last moment plans to rally outside prison were cut from 30 nunulc. the demonstration was an inspiring step towards bullding a strong anu voca opposition to this legalised 21001 systematic scala assault.
took place in Durham to highlight the brutal use of strip sear-
HAPPY 1981
low vote for Labour
The question facing MPs and councillors, tear-
on Labour's electoral chances
and
Snape for the expulsion of those involved in the Birmur of tee shadow cabinet' told the
joined the demonstration
Women and Ireland
ching women, Ella O Dwyer and against . LWU Irish Martina Anderson, held in Durham's wing. The H wing itself ws closed in 1971 after much protest at its claustrophobic harsh conditions.
By Anne Kane
While in remand in Brixton between June 1985 and May 19986 these two
rally: want these characters out and I don't even mind if we lose a few seats to the SDP in the process.
'It an insidious disease which has been allowed to spread. It is political AIDS.
Having orchestrated a
Ovel would otherwise have been a run-of-the-mill meeting, right wing spokesperson Roy Hattersley then took a half page in the Birmingham Evening Mail of 1: April to justify his action. Rather than addressing any or lne real Issucs alice ting working people in the
to the local elections, Hattersley ranted on about unrepresentative minorities, reassuring his readership that the situation in the party was in hand.
Six days before the district council elections Norman replied. He demanded know why, left WaN weak the council was spending money on 'crazy race relations policies' which 'stir up tension'
In the event, Labour lost five council seats and the first meeting new labour group closed
women suffered around 40 intimate body searche each. Since arriving
although never out of the prison confines ther are stripped at leas four times each a month, a practice which they challenged in a letter read to Saturday's rally.
will this "HOU TONY
psychological torture con tinue? We'v been sentenced to life imprison-
Does that mean a life of sexual torture?' they
This challenge to the flimsy excuse searching measure was followed up 'security
by speakers at the rally. In
Martina's particular sister, Isobel Anderson, explained the means by
which strip searching wa:
introduced Armagh
down the recallus and equal opportunities
and the Collie. women's committee
This was done on the very day that Labour launched its general electon campaign pledge to establish women's ministry!
Its immediate effect
thoroughly demoralise women and black activists key marginals like Birmingham-Selly Oak. Labour's failure challenge racism in the West up in the general election results.
The loss of Wolverhampton North East has been largely attributed to the financial support given by Wolver hampton to the family of
to death Cyr bine homest
Midlands police. But the 'McCurbin factor' was on fertile ground. In 1983 Labour only won the seat from the Tories by a 214 majority in a poll where the didate received 585 votes.
hillie lan. the Alliance'S share of the 1987 general election vote actually increased in four
the 'supergrass' system in the north of Ireland.
Both were dividing and demoralising
ty, she said. She called for every opening possible to be seized 'to build a strong and active can vals. end the strip searching of all prisoners' Event
Such a goal is entirely realisable. Since introduction as a systematic pracitce Armagh November 1982, and now Maghaberry, 2000 strionsearches of woken
taken OLDULICIS place.
this period strip searching has been condemned by and individuals. In Britain
these include NOLS and
Election '87
constituencies: Yardle
Hall Green, whicl were two of their target seats, and Sparkbrook and Perry Barr. where the Tories • stood black candidates in the hope of wir ning a share of Labour' vote
The danger now course, is that despite theit owil mance Labour's right wing will Wolverhampton North East result to argue that race and similar 'minority issues' should be placed on the
(sic) are cal all
Roy ex-
the 'par-
Labour members have the sharp
creased
and other
LOLL as Labour's
results the West the NUS, the national Labour women's
and trade unions Even the
Party is commitGADOLE ted to "replacing" it.
Despite such broad opposition strip searching not only continues but has increased. •Opposition in policy has not been translated into the necessary campaigning action to put the spotlight on strip searching and end its use.
The opposition by organisations in the labou movement is to be welcomed. But opposition which remains at the lever
resolutions not enough. Strip searching is one issues which as the widespread shows, stands some hops
being successfull fought now.
Page 5 scan of this page
Sinn Fein victory in Belfast
Election '8y
IN THE Ireland which remain a British colony the government failed in its chief objective to substantially reduce the vote of Sinn Fein and, Adams in West Belfast. In fact Adams increased his vote. Overall Sinn Fein took 11.4 per cent of the vote in the six counties — which represents roughly 35 per cent of the nationalist vote. Since it first contested Westminster elections, during the hunger strike in 1981, Sinn Fein has succeeded in building up core support which has never fallen below 10 per cnet of the overall vote in the six counties — 35 per cent of the nationalist vote. In this election, Anglo-Irish agreement, Sinn Fein's vote was only two per cent down on 1983.
This was major achievement given Ine main goal of the Anglo-Irish Agreement undermine support for
addition, Sinn Fein was the only par-
DANCES the election which had to face constant
harassment.
Adams' election agent, Alex Maskey, was shot and seriously wounded at the start of the campaign.
Two further election workers were shot. Canvassers, leafleters and election officials for Sinn Fein WCEC shot arrested, barassed by the sensh ar generally Regiment (UDR) and the lister Defence Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC).
Sinn Fein was the only party standing on a platform for British withdrawal and a united
Thev also made
specitic demands to discrimination against the nationalist minority within the counties and to , uphold civil liberties. example, Sinn Fein was the only party supporting
widely recognised
MacBride principles'
which aim to eliminate religious discrimination in
employment northern
In their campaign Sinn Fein explained the
republican movement's
goal of ending the British presence and the partition
Ireland, was not
counterposed to winning
immediate gains for the
nationalist community.
They pointed out that
what concessions had beer
West Belfast
Adams, Gerry (SF)
Hendron, Joe (SDLP)
McMahon, Mary (WP)
Millar, Frank (OUP)
general election in the six counties of
defeat Gerry despite the
won from Britain by the nationalist over the last twenty years had been the result of mass struggles, campaigns and sacrifices like those of the H-block prisoners and the hunger strikers, the recent electoral successes of Sinn Fein, and the armed struggle of the IRA.
By Redmond O'Neill
Thot the 3 tiled ma-
paign tionalist Social Democratic
and directed to sand
directed and foremost against Sinn Fein
and aimed above all at defeating Gerry Adams in
West Belfast. ' The SDLP's claim that the Anglo-Irish Agreement had delivered gains for Tine
community did not look
very credible in the after math of the Loughgall massacre and continuing
huge discrimination
against catholics in such
areas as employment. So
the SDLP relied on calls to keep out the Unionists in
those constituencies where
the SDLP were ahead of
Sinn Fein, and combined this with a poisonous cam-
paign against Fein
tself. The SDLP howeve
had some difficulty in ex-
plaining their opposition
to the MacBride principles
areas of massive lla-
Beast. The
West Belfast.
SDLP claim that these principles for eliminating
discrimination in employ-
ment will deter investors
The SDLP 0 Ol win
South Down, defeating 1987 1983 16,842 Sinn Feins. 16,379 14,641 SDLP 10,934 1,819 Gerry Fitt 10,326 7,646 OUP 2,435
WP 1,893
West Belfast wall mural
the sitting MP Enoch Powell by a little over 700 votes. This gives it three Westminster MPs. The SDI.P increased its overal share of the vote by three ner cent to 2l be • cent of he total or roughly 65 per
the nationalist vote. But the SDLP failed in its goal of marginalising Sinn Fein and defeating Gerry Adams.
The second major feature of the outcome of the election in the six coun ties is that the Unionist
Parties cao-risen ginst
Anglo-Irish Agree-
ly weakened. The unionist turnout in the election was down eight per cent on 1983. In spite 0i an elec toral pact not to stand against each other by the Official Party (DUP), the Democratic Unionist Partv (DUP) and the Popular Unionist can-
Jim Kilfedder, Enoch Powell lost his South Down seat to ine SDLP. John McCartney, standing platform which included ending the unionist boycott of Westminster, Jim Kilfedder's majority from 14,000 tọ 4,000.
Unionists
The Unionist parties will now boycott of Westminster and naive indicatec they are willing to talk to the British government for the first time since the Anglo-
ed in November 1985. The
FOR A NEW IRELAND
AVERIC
LUNA
Unionist parties, having failed to defeat the Anglo-Irish Agreement, SNOW have no option but to negotiate with Thatcher
The Anglo-Irish Agreement has therebt been strengthened. It has failed in its declared goal of eliminating Sinn Fein's
base the Illass tionalist community has delivered no signifi cant concessions end discrimination and the repression dO sals community suffers. It has, however securico cooperd tion between the British and Dublin in policing the six county statelet and in propping up the SDLP. It has revealed the Unionists paper tigers and is supported by all major British political parties.
Devolution
The nhe tore Visa
ed Party manifesto was progress towards SUlIC kind devolved government in the six with
ower sharing between the
Unionis and the SDLP. This goal is shared by the Dublin andhe SDLE Ye is here
that the next moves are
likely to roposal a fe.
proposal from the loyalist, paramilitary, Ulster Defence Association (UDA) for a devolved Six county government with guaranteed power sharing . tOT the SDLP was floated in
the CHIOUS
MUSE
ATF CINN FAIN
general election. The quid pro quo which was demanded was loyalty' to the crown from the naDonas Conly - a cepting that the six counties remain forever Dart Oi the United Kingdom.
This proposal received
favourable reception from the Northern Ireland Office and SDLP — bụt not from lan Paislev. A similar move in the same direction was the
SDLP strategist, Sean Farren, supporting a proposal from scui cial y. Frank Millar. that a new six county administration should have responsibility for security. The SDLP have indicated inal power sharing would be the price they would demand security to be returned to a six county administration.
The objective of this proposal is to involve both
seven elections in the six counties 1979
Official Un. 36.6 DUP 10.2 SDLP 18.2 Sinn Fein Alliance 11.9 WP 1.7
Socialist Action
MAN
Dublin
stabilising county state. - and to appease the unionist parties form of grovernment to tee restoring a devolved north.
Partition
posals is going to work. it None of thost is partition and the British presence in ireland which is the root of the violence in the six counties. The six Cull statelet institutionalises discrimination in every sphere against the nationalist community The security forces the UDR and the RUC are sec tarian through and through - something thei regularly demonstrate of LILC nationalist munities So, even if a sufficiently large section of the unionists can be persuaded
The parties share of the vote in the six counties Table showing the percentage of the total vote gained by each party in the last
1981 1982 1983 General Council Assembly General European Council Genera Election Election Election Election
16.5 29.7 34 26.6 23 20 17.5 18.8 17.9 10.1 13.4 8.9 9.3 1.8 2.7 1.9 NOTE: The 1987 result for the OUP and DUP is distorted by the agreement not to run Unionist candidate against sitting Unionist MPs.
19 June 1987
to accept it, a precondit
for the type of 'stabili
tion' of the six counties e
visaged by Dublin Lo
don and the SDLP
longterm defeat of the r
tionalist community, a
the SDLP would beco
totally implicated in ru
ing the six county state
under conditions where
support be lost to Si would
Fein. Furthermore it is c
ly a matter of time bef
Irem support ill
north begins
translate itself
political gains in the sou
wirels succo
the North, above all Ge
Adams retaining ni
is therefore a serious bl
against the British pla to the soLF, and
collaborators in Dubi
The 1987 general elect
done nothing
stabilise British ruk
Ireland 1984 1985 198-
Election Election Electior 21.4 29.8 37.9 33.6 26.2 11.7 22.1 21.1
10.4 13.3 10.6 11.4
6.9 9.9 1.2 1.6 2.6
Page 6 scan of this page
We have to set the agen years, not just four wee
Socialist Action of England.
hope to form a government. THE FIRST, and most important, lesson of the election is that you cannot win it in the four weeks of a campaign if you have wasted much of the four years beforehand. Second, a minor point, the techniques of the election campaign were obviously taken from those pioneered by the GLC. But without policies which gave the GLC's campaign content they don't have the same effect. Third that one of the biggest strategic lessons Labour, and the lett, has to face is how to -overcome the divisions between the North and the South.
The GLC was by far the most popular achievement of Labour in the South in the last 10 years. Its strength was that it extended Labour's support far beyond its traditional base.
At the present time the press, aided by the right wing in the election, are claiming that the GLC was about an orientation to 'minorities'. That ridiculous — although we certainly did defend minorities who were under attack as part of our overall policies.
The GLC, it musn't be forgotten, didn't just break new ground in support. It increased support for Labour on all the traditional issues as well. The polls in London showed that during the five years of the GLC the Tories lead in support for their anti-trade legislation was 12 per cent lower noon a comany. Support for unilateral niener in London than in disarmament was five per cent Britain as a whole. During the last two years of the GLC we ran in London ten to twenty per cent ahead of Labour's position in the national polls. Strengths
These are strengths we could have drawn on in the general election campaign. But we didn't use them. This was a wasted asset. That support for the GLC was a resource we could have drawn on.
I think there are many lessons that can be drawn on from the GLC for tasks we face now. In the north, where the working class faces tremendous levels of unemployment and poverty, Labour made great gains in the election. But in the south we face a complex problem.
In areas of London, of course, we face unemployment bad anywhere. Hackney or. Brixton have unemployment on the same level as Newcastle or Liverpool — with the ad-
19 June 1987 ONE OF the most important features of the election was the continuing weakness of the Labour Party in the south
While Labour was sweeping to huge gains in Scotland, Wales and the North, it suffered serious setbacks in the South. These stopped Labour winning the election. Until Labour increases its support in the South it cannot
Yet one experience of Labour in the south of England in the last 10 years stands out - the popularity of the GLC. It was a lesson the Labour leadership was careful not to draw on in the election campaign. The words 'GLC' were not even mentioned in an election broadcast and no serious
ded factor that most unemployed are black and subject to racist harassment that no white person faces. But we have to win support not only in areas of terrible deprivation but in areas where the working class is still prosperous.
What we cannot do is try to build up our support on the basis of what is acthe ceptable to the Sun. It is also stupid. because, no matter how much we attack Militant or the Black Section, and no matter how much the Sun praises us at the time, it will turn round and attack us at an election. We have to build support that is for our policies - and that is not dependent on the whims of the gutter press.
I therefore remain completely committed to the policies that the GLC fought for. I do not believe that there is any future for a socialism in Britian that does not place the concerns or women and black people on the same level as nose or white male workers. A party that gives in to the type disgraceful campaign that was carried on against lesbians and gays, and even worse is complicity in it, is not a party unlal will ever bund socialisil.
Ireland
On Ireland I have explained my position many times. in British politics which is more important than ensuring British withdrawal union from Ireland. Ireland was Britain's first colony and every serious socialist policy must involve an unequivocal commitment to withdraw from Ireland. I will eely step that can be taken to strengthen the Cut till British withdrawal from Ireland.
But if we want to elect a Labour government we have got to understand: the real problem and lesson of the last four years. The election campaign was better than could have been imagined.
There is a lot that could be improved.
For example we have a foreign policy which 1n contradiction unilateralism support for Gorbachev's proposals in Brent and I don't believe people think there is a 'Russian menace' at all. We have to have a policy to get out of Ireland, support Nicaragua, and our campaign wasn't geared to women when we jumped up the national polis
in the middle of the campaign that was among men. Our policy was confused — why couldn't we simply say that a Labour government would ensure that no ordinary person, family, would suffer from an increase. in taxes?
after.
of those
meant something to people.
last four years.
nouncing 'violence' strike.
Success unemployment because democracy
governments -
There is no issue only
rights. democratre
had to
taken portunities Acts
organised repression in the demanding
rights.
the first place.
- I found tremendous
Meale Labour's seat in Mansfield
panded people's idea of democracy on taxation
Outside Labour's traditional bas But what was true, or forgotten,
campaign was made on Labour's formal pledge to recreate it. The reason is the Labour leadership wants to dissociate itself from the radical policies of the GLC on Ireland, women, support for the black community and other issues.
It has been reported in the press that the Labour leadership took exceptional measures to ensure that Ken Livingstone did not appear in the election campaign — which didn't prevent the press taking as chief targets in the campaign Livingstone and Bernie Grant. As the first of a series on the way forward after the election Socialist Action asked KEN LIVINGSTONE to give his views on the election and
But whatever the drawbacks at least on the health service, on education, on pensions we had a campaign which
The whole type we have seen party felt it as a sigh of relief after the
the last year.
The trouble is that this campaign Britain' was not a continuation of what we had ment. been doing previously. We had been de-
We had been saying that Militant was the most important question — or that we had to pacify a few racists by attacking Black Sections and Sharon Alkın. We even had an attack on Milltant in the first television broadcast.
I believe one of the keys to success is the link between socialist economic and social policies and democracy. Labour did tremendously well in Scotland not only because it was fighting against win an election.
and poverty, but The linked that to extending - the demand for a • Scottish Assembly. The GLC expanded the Labour's idea of democracy - and then defended it during the fight against abolition.
That is one thing that is astonishing about the record of the last two Labour
- a legacy that still has to be overcome. These governments not
through right wing economic policies that broke our sup port, but they didn't even take the first step that could be taken to extend election.
They were secretive as any Tory government. They
pressured by women into passing the Equal Pay and Equal Op
and they directly North of Ireland. That was how the Liberals first to win.
by challenging Labour over its failure to defend civi
Without Labour's hyper tralism Liberal and Alliance support would never have got off the ground in
Some of the Labour right wing have Bon nanon, where were in op — and are still going. I remember not simply
, going to see Bobby Sands on his death bed to say Labour would give him no support. I notice that Concan- campaign
up trying to lose Alan
The GLC turned all that super cen tralist tradition round in London. It ex- There are a small
and the role which Labour played. That VULCID
why we built up support in layers we
and is often was that we had to fight for two years to get that support. People Alliance.
remember the popularity of the GLC at the end. But when we were first elected we faced a campaign in the press of the
against Haringey, Brent, Lambeth and other councils in
"The most odious man in was the Sun's famous com-
We turned the polls around on our policies - Ireland, on women, on support for the black community by fighting for them. By not allowing the Tories to set the agenda I believe one serious cical soccen by le party icauci• ship on Ireland or lesbian and gay rights would begin to turn the tide of hysteria round — and would give a lead to the entire Labour Party.
If we spend four years saying this type of issue is the most important thing confronting the country, accepting the agenda the Tories set, then we can't expect suddenly, in an election campaign, to set another agenda and
about who sets the political agenda is all important. The polls show that the whole increase in
support came before the famous television broadcast. What was decisive was that we stopped attacking Arthur Scargill, or denouncing the left, and turned outwards to deal with issues that count to real people. . The problem is that is was done too late. You cannot accept large parts of the Tories' agenda for four years, and then set your own for four weeks, and hope to win an
Lesson
We have to hope that this lesson will be learned and the party will be kept turned outwards. that is what is needed
But I can't say the signs are hopeful. The leaks that have been ap pearing in the press since the election are that the right wing think the mos important issues that now confront the country are 'one member, one vote' in the Labour Party and abolishing the National Executive Committee. That is
an 2ACK on party democracy, it is a complete waste of time. It is to repeat all the mistakes that were made leading up to the election
The other reason we have got to set the agenda is because we should be clear wno we are trying to win over.
handful of Tory who can be won over on straightforward basis that they don't like the policies of the United States But that is not where we are going to get the next advance in our votes from.
What we have to do is squeeze the
I think a whole layer of
Alliance voters are sick to the bar teeth with Owen. There are a few tanatic. the SDP who obsessed by the bomb. The Liber have. played a disgraceful role Merseyside, and Diane Abbott that the Alliance campaign in Hackn was disgraceful. But we are not inte ested in deals with the Alliance leader
What is important is that all polls show that Alliance voters ha basically the same concerns as Labo voters - unemployment, the he service, education. They are quite d ferent to the Tory voters - who see the most important issues pric
Page 7 scan of this page
taxes, and law and order. n the south it is cracking that ce support that we should be aim-
that al the Rolls, and the
from the Liberals themselves, it is the left that is in the best
to do that. The Liberals reviv* first place as a reaction against
approach the
right. We will not win them
that line. It is myself, Tony
d figures like that who cut into
al support.
is what we should be doing in
four years. Not turning in-
la for four
SOLD
At wards to contemplate our navels in con-
stitutional crises imposed by the right wing. Nor spending all our time in the House of Commons Tories are going to win every vote. We nave to turn the party outwards the first fighting the Tory government. We have to fight for Labour to set the agenda. I unk, o arse the popularity the Gre have to use the created - - not hide it away.
But i can't repeat too much that everything "depends on us setting our own political agenda. Not just for four weeks but for four years.
inner on the almost
Glasgow cherism
North, where the
- IN place to those who will be
1930
The results
divide
THE VICTORY of Thatcher in the general election was a serious setback for the labour movement. It means it has to fight, probably for at least another four years, government which utilises the entire power of the state against the labour movement. Furthermore this ministration has, in its plans for the
cities, local government, education, privatisation, the trade unions, and other issues, the most reactionary programme of government this century.
By John Ross
In reporting Thatcher's victory the press has concentrated massive attention
North/South divide gigantic differences in support for the different parties that now exists in the different parts of the country. North, Wales and Scotland Labour has 170 seats to the Tories 81. In the Midlands and South the Tories have 295 seats to Labour's 69. It literally is as though the country had been cut in half
The outcome of the 1987 general election showed clearly the political consequences of the 'dual society' — and the way Thatcherism is allowing every differential in British society to increase. In the North of England, Scotland, and Wales there were swings to Labour of
landslide proportions Scotland Labour has 13 more MPs today than in its victory of 1945. In most of the big cities, in particular the inner cities, big shifts took place in favour of Labour.
Liverpool, Newcastle, Bradford have no Tory MPs at all. But in the South, and some areas of London, there were increases in the Tory vote. (See Tables 1 and 2)
underlies the North/South divide, and that between the inner cities and the rest, is not geography but socia!
Constituencies where there is the greatest social depriva-
for example Vauxhall, Newham North West, and Islington North - saw increases in the Labour vote as large as those in the north. But in the south outside London the Alliance retained its second place behind the Tories. The basic class divisions in British society are being refracted through a process of social •heremanor
These divisions reflect the way That-
has brought out historical cleavages in British society. Average unemployment is higher, wages lower, social deprivation worse, in the as well.
Wales, Scotland and the inner cities. The south has the greatest areas of
Conservative vote
VOLO 1940 1950
The reality of the North/South
under a
ad-
the
In the
prosperity - and has seen the greatest increases in living standards under Thatcher. These social differences have always existed. But under Thatcher they are deepening still further.
Underlying the geographical trends are the way the economy itself is being restructured. Vast swathes of northern manufacturing industry have been closed down. Much of the rest of manufacturing is being restructured around a "core' of permanent, workers and a 'periphery' of part time and temporary workers.
The effects of these shifts on the political structure of Britain is clear. London Labour's support now ranges from 47 per
cent in the North of England to 17 per cent in the South outside London. There are now three clear political areas in the country. (See Table 3) • In Scotland, England, the North West and Yorkshire. Labour is stronger than any other party. • In the Midlands and London Labour is behind the Tories but ahead of the Alliance. • In the South outside London -sharply Anglia, the South East, the South West
— Labour is in third place, not simply behind the Tories but behind the Alliance
The correlation of these geographical areas with social divisions is obvious. The 1960 1978 1988 Despite media propaganda to the contrary Tory support continues to decline
Socialist Action 19 June 1987
unemployment
Tween the two.
solidating its
Figure 1). mass struggle. relatively secure,
Table 1 Area
Wales, the North of London
East Midlands South East East Anglia West Midlands South West - East Yorkshire Wales North West North England Scotland UK
Table 2 Area
South East East Anglia South West London West Midlands East Midlands North West
North England Scotland Wales UK
Table 3 Area
North of England Wales Scotland North West Yorkshire
West Midlands London East Midlands
Your' East Anglia 1998 South Has
South West UK
7 south, the heartland of the Tories and the Alliance, is the most prosperous area of the country. The north, the heartland of Labour, is the area of the greatest
and poverty. The Midlands is the intermediate area bet-
The trend of development, nevertheless, is clear. The Tory party, slowly but progressively, is collapsing back into its south of England bunker. Painfully slowly, but definitely, Labour is recon-
position in the north Despite the rhetoric about Thatcher's popularity she, in reality, has the smallest vote of any prime minister with a safe majority in parliament this century. Tory support continues the decline which has been going on for well over 30 years See
But despite the Thatcher government's unpopularity Labour is still blocked by the Alliance's strength in the South from challenging the Tories to form a government.
The tactics are therefore clear. Thatcher's position must be ground down by
On the electoral level Labour must consolidate its position in the North, Scotland and Wales - mopping up the remaining pockets of non-Tory votes and crushing the SNP and Liberals in Scotland. It must continue to fight it out with the Tories and Alliance in the Midlands and London. Labour must begin to fight with the Alliance to lift itselt out of third place in the South
Smashing through the Alliance vote to get at the Tories, above all weakening the Thatcher government by mass strug gles. That is the task which the Labour Party faces in the next years.
Change in Tor Vote 1983-87 +2.5 +1.4 +1.1 +1.1 +0.6
-0.2
Change in Labour Vote 1983-87 +0.9 +1.2 +1.5 +1.6 +2.1
+/. +7.3 +7.5 +3.3
Tory Alliance Labour vote vote vote 32 21 47 30 24
46 49
:51 16 42 23
Page 8 scan of this page
Class society and the family
8 Socialist Action 19 June 1987 MARXISM ANALYSES not just economic division into classes but the entire structure of society. The three most powerful structures of society are private property - in today's society the ownership of capital
the state and the family. historical policy for women's liberation, and the liberation of the whole of humanity, must progressively, through an entire historical epoch, replace all three. In the first of two articles, based on an educational conference held by Socialist Action, JUDE WOODWARD looks at the origins of women's oppression. In the next issue she looks at the family in capitalist society.
THE reduction of Marxism to a view of society that only recognises the existence of economic classes is unfortunately only too common on the British left. Marxism does not examine only economy or economic classes, nor does it claim that the only divisions that exist are those between classes. It analyses the whole of 'civil society' and politics.
Lenin, writing on the national question, for example, pointed out that Marxists must recognise that 'the division of nations into oppressed and oppressor nations as basic, significant and inevitable under imperialism.'
One of the most significant works of Engels was his attempt to understand the relationships between the development of economic classes, the oppression of women as a sex in the family, and the other relationships of political oppression organised by the state. In that book, The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State, Engels explained that the oppression of women as a sex emerged at the beginnings of human civilisation, alongside the first emergence of class society itself. 'The first class antagonism that appears in history coincides with the development of the antagonism between man and woman in monogamous marriage, and the first class oppression coincides with that of the female sex by the male.'
The oppression of women was one of the first oppressions to appear in human society, and, alongside the ending of classes themselves, will be among the last to finally disappear.
Oppression
The oppression of the female sex
finds its historical beginnings in the overthrow of 'mother right', the matrilineal
society, and its replacement by patriar-
chal social organisation. Mother right
was abolished, and the monogamous,
patriarchal family became the basic unit
of human society. Engels described this
process most graphically: "The overthrow
of mother right was the world historical
defeat of the female sex. The man took
command in the home also; the woman
was degraded and reduced to servitude;
she begame the slave of his lust and a
mere instrument for the production of
Line Ongin ot the amil
Property, and the State
The Origin of the Family, Private
Property and the State by Frederick
Engels, 182 pages, published by
Pathfinder Press. Price £3.50.
Available from The Other
Bookshop, PO Box 50, London NI
2XP. Include 37p postage and
packing.
Any SBUR
But the MONAL FEDERA OMEN WORKE
SHENILOR COLIT OF WOEL
WRITE TO I MACARTHIA children. This degraded position women... has gradually been prettified and glossed over, and sometimes clothed in a milder form; but in no sense has it been abolished.'
The overthrow of mother right and the subordination of women in the home
were the products of the same historical
'natural' function, ensuring intermar-
riage between different tribes, and main-
taining extended torms
organisation.
The element
monogamous family was its emobodi-
ment of the subjugation of one sex by the
other. The concept of adultery arose tor the first time.
Process
In one great historical process the social surplus that was produced as a
result of the greater productivity of all human labour was appropriated by men
rather than women, and
between men, creating the first economic classes.
But while a class of men had appropriated the wealth of society, the ex-
istence of a matrilineal society meant
that it could not be inherited by the man's
kin, but instead passed at his death to the
kin of his wife. His own children, as part
of his tribe rather than their mother's,
would not inherit this wealth. It was
therefore necessary to overthrow mother
right and replace it with a patrilineal
organisation of society.
But patriarchy alone was insufficient,
for the only way of being sure of the
paternity of children was to entorce the
fidelity of women. Thus the institution
of monogamy followed hard on the heels
of patriarchy. Monogamy is based upon
the supremacy of the man, the express
purpose being to produce children of un-
FED
TONAL
LL
of
as his natural heirs.
economic conditions.
social Domestic
of the
cient communistic household, comprised many
single
differentially
cluded from production.
less open subjugation tagonisms and
and observed.
WOMEN
WORKERS
MORE
OD HORAES WOMEN VON
OK 18OUT CENT VORN
DisDruying
VARY MACKER disputed paternity; such paternity is demanded because these children are and material basis. later to come into their father's property
This monogamous family was the first form of organisation of human relations to be based, not on natural, but on
them.
Secondly the entire character of domestic work is changed. 'In the an-
couples and their unit, children, the task entrusted to woman of managing the household was as much a public, a socially necessary industry as
of food With. the patriarchal family, and still more with the
mongamous family, a change came. Household management lost its public character. It no longer concerned society. It became a private service; the wife became the head female servant, ex-
participation in social
This essential form of the family has existed throughout the entire history of class society, since its first development. It has taken different forms, with more or
of the woman within the family itself, but throughout whole "civilisation', that is class society, it has been the monogamous family which has been the cellular unit of society. And as Engels explained, through the study of the specific form of the family in a particular society, the 'nature of the an-
contradictions fully developed in that society' can be studied
It is within the monogamous family, and the entire family system of class male society, that the oppression of women is
women.
TOMEN N that,
located and finds its fundamental causes of
The family has changed its precise form, functions and relationship to the other institutions of class society according to the different phases of development of the productive forces and the forms of class rule corresponding to
In the feudal system for example, all institutions of civil society had a direct political equivalent. Property was in the form of feudal family estates, and society was organised with these estates as its basic economic social, political and legal
through the seigneurial courts, dues, services and feudal armies. Each institution of civil society had its political equivalent and the family fitted directly into this. The King was the chief lanc owner, the head of state, his family was the first family of the realm. Family, property, social position, political position all related directly to each other. Family
Under capitalism this is no longer the case, the form and function of the family has changed. The attribute of the monogamous family of ensuring the patriarchal inheritance of property, and indeed fixing individuals' relationship to
social order as under feudalism, no longer applies at least to the oppressed class - the proletariat. There is no significant property to inherit, therefore the monogamous family as it has existed since the beginning of class society is robbed of its original material foundation.
Moreover, modern largescale industry needs a workforce considerably larger than can be provided by solely
proletarians, therefore capitalism has the tendency to draw
In Depth
women out of the home and into the
But women's re-entry into public production is in contradiction with their tunctions the home Therefore capitalism is also forced to begin to reverse some of the processes which had taken housework out of the realm of public industry into that of a private service. Functions like the education of children, care of the sick, and the aged have once more started to become part o! socially necessary public industry, rathei than simply private service performed by women unpaid at home.
Work
In fact we can go so far as to say tha capitalism begins the work of undoin the monogamous tamıly and thereb begins the work of the liberation
But capitalism does not take mon than the first steps in this direction Because, while the pressure to undermin the monogamous family is built int capitalism a contradictory tendency a even more powerful. Capitalism, adop the form of the monogamous family in herited from previous social condition and uses it for its own purposes, for th reproduction of labour power.
This is the specific function of th monogamous family under capitalism through which the individual famil labour power is produced and reproduc ed. In this manner the family maintain
powerful economic function capitalism and the monogamous famil remains a basic economic unit of societ Within the family the worker is brougt up to adulthood, fed and clothed, tend ed when sick, and as an adult his labou power is reproduced constantly throug are tanny
The labour necessary to ensure that new generation of workers grows up, an the adult worker is in a fit state to start new day's work each morning, is pe formed within each individual family t women. This is why Engels explaine
even with all thee mores hi
capitalism makes "The modern
dividual family is founded on the open
concealed domestic slavery of wome and modern society is a mass compos
these individual families as
molecules.'
For the capitalist class this is a high
efficient, and moreover, cheap, system
ensure the necessary labour power
always available. Therefore while o
historic tendency of capitalsm Is
undermine the previous material found
tion for the existence of the family, it or
does this to replace it with another -t
necessity of the capitalist class to ensu
and reproduction
Ine production
labour power.
The monogamous family, desp
certain tendencies of capitalism to und
mine it, shown in the rising divorce ra
of single pare
families, and the massive entry of wom
into paid work, is in its fundamen
particularly the domes
slavery of women, maintained.
International Viewpoint carries news,
documents and analysis of working cla
movements from around the world and
is indispensable reading for all socialist
In the latest issue ar in-depth articles on the Middle East, Soutl Africa and West Germany. Available from most left bookshops or by pos from Other Books, PO Box 50, Londo
Page 9 scan of this page
South African railworkers win
International
theid state.
Six railway workers Lave their uves the struggle. Hundreds detained, including the
nomise entire me retire
committee.
CYCLY railway worker had faced daily intimidation and harassment by the security forces.
unexpected move, which left leaders of the South African Railway and Harbour Workers Union (SARHWU) intrican a bit', the South
Transport Services (SATS) finally backed down on Wednesday 3 June. SATS management contacted the union's solicitors with an offer
With the union's entire
prison, the solicitors had to go to the jails to consult over the company's approach. They were given the go-ahead to pursue regotiations and clinch the deal.
The company's climb
the approach of the
Soweto youth uprising of
976. SATS and the apartheid regime - with which the transport system is so
intertwined knew that the bitter struggle by would
Por wide ranging action bas
wide-ranging action by the community and the trade union movement.
Indeed, the strike has
famous victory
Metal workers have joined forces with car workers to form a powerful new union. THOUSANDS of South African railway workers celebrated a resounding strike victory in Johannesburg's streets on Friday 5 June. After three months on strike, and with many families near to starvation, the workers had refused to give in to the unrelenting attacks by management and the apar-
already become a focus for
and discontent of brotes
and discontent broad forces. Sparked by the dismissal of a worker for the 'crime' of the late han. ding in of the f12 that he'd collected as part of his job, the strike rapidly spread throughout the Transvaal region involving some 20,000 workers.
By Doreen Weppler In the final weeks of the strike, the determina. tion of the workers in the Transvaal Wak other workers further afield to join in the strug They saw that decades of racist treatment at the
employers in South Africa where even . the limited 1970 labour reforms didn't apply could be challenged The spectre of a national dispute was becoming a serious possibility. A nanonal ran surike was a disastrous prospect for the South African employers given the strategic importance of the rai network to South African industry Additionally, and unlike railway system is also vital other country,
numbers of workers forc to live miles away from live miles away their place of work.
The rail workers' strike
was deepening as imporLalt devale • were being made by other workers and in other sections of the population. COSATU,
the 700,000-strong 10lracial trade union federa-
able to hail the lon was merger of the car workers and metal workers unions.
This new union, is a living
example of COSATU's in-
policy.
The second largest union in the federation, it will be a powerful weapon in the hands of the engineering industry's workers.
The workers union, POTWA, had also won a victory at the beginning of May. A range of overt racist practices, Inwage differential between per cent wage
and black postal workers had brought 7000 out on strike.
These workers closely identified
WILE . railworkers action, seeing SARHWU as sister union in the light of the common state ownership and close state control of the two industries. The militant SUERSUC the postal workers at one point forced the government to release two union leaders from prison before the union would start negotiations.
These workers' actions
the stake o place despite
emergencey and in the face of formidable state. In April, 60,000 engineering workers staged three stoppages to protest the imprisonment of their general secrete of Moses Mayekiso, five people on trial for treason.
The mines have also been the scene of sporadic action protest strikes have mounted in response to continuing deaths mining accidents, and as miners' wives and girifriends moved into seven formally single-sex compounds in defiance of apartheid's inhumane separatiol of workers from their families.
From workers in the food industry to those in the sugar mills of Natal,
Coca tion escalating. The launch of the living
vage campaign helped to reinforce the action.
A second factor that the regime had to take into account was the developments within the community. Community support for SARHWU was overwhelming. Workers in the townships knew of the suffering faced by migrant railworkers whose wages have to sun port ten other members of their families left to fight for their existence in the barren bantustans.
Additionally, they had direct experience
the repression meted out against strikers, armed state forces moved into railway and on to the trains, manhandling carrying out arbitrary earches of the carriages. The community organisa. tions were more and more loudly demanding action from SATS
Women have been playing particularly decisive role in the com-
munity organisations and have been providing the leadership of the street committees.
This deepening activity has found its reflection in the relaunching of FedSAW, the
Federation of South AFrican Women on 1 June.
FedSAW had played a maior role in the 950s. especially in the campaigns against the pass laws, but had been dispersed by the repression of the 1960s.
relaunch with veteran leaders such Helen Joseph again in the organisation's leadership
i a maul duvalice 10. the liberation struggle.
The victory of SARHWU will give a powertul impetus to these struggles will lead to droves of workers fiocking to join the union, which Wak experience substantial growth during the strike itself. The entire union has been strengthened.
But the victory will not mean an end to attacks by SATS Although SARHWU has won thousands of
and united around , principle of 'an injury one is an injury to all', the union hasn't
•even got a roof over its head.
All the materials needed to rapidly consolidate the victory was lost in the
House Some of the • union's leaders remain in prison or detained. Continuing solidarity by the British labour movement, especially by railworkers in this country, will be very important in the coming
The settlement
demands of the strikers
're-employment'
The tina agreement
jobs back. The
guaranteed.
labour office.
their contract labour status
for an end to racism on the railway.
were de facto union representatives.
towards total recognition of the union.
railworkers!
: A CONSISTENT demand of SARHWU was for the release from detention and prison of all railway workers.
These include the
secretary, Ntai Sello, its president, Justice Langa, its national organiser, Mike Roussos, and the entire 33-strong negotiating committee.
Although not part of the final agreement, SARHWI was given
significant advances on this front in the light of the settlement. The subsequent release of Many workers snows this judgement to be this judgement to be correct, though the
Socialist Action 19 June 1987 Non-selective re-employment. One of the main
was for their reinstatement. On 22 April, 16,000 had been sacked for taking strike action. SATS had originally offered
meaning that the company would decide who to take back, and those who were taken back would be treated as new starters.
'non-selective employment' is reinstatement put into a face saving formula. All workers will have their original
will go, as • DAKHWU demanded. And the re-employment specifies that continuity of service, and other facilities, will be
Permanent status for black workers. This clause of the agreement strikes at the heart of one of the key effects of the apartheid system. One of the ways SATS has kept a super-exploited workforce is bs denying any job security whatsoever. At the end of I1 months, migrant workers would be forced to return to a bantustan (or land reservation assigned to them) and apply for a new contract at their local
The agreement awards black workers with two years service a new degree of job security by ending
This concession by SATS was a direct product of the strikers' demand
The right to elect their own representatives. SATS had maintained throughout the strike that it would negotiate with representatives elected by workers but not with SARHWU. But in the negotiations that did take place the workers representatives
The settlement now means that SARHWU delegates will be recognised by the company and is a major step
Now free detained
union will be engaged in a continued campaign for the release of all detained and imprisoner members. International solidarity will be very important in supporting these campaigns. • Emergency letters and telegrams demanding the release of detained SARHWU members should be sent to PW Botha, Union Buildings Pretora 0001 South Africa, and to the South African ambassador, South Africa House, Trafalgai Square, , London WC Copies should be send to SACTU, Archway Close, London 8 Flowers Mews, NI9 3TB
Page 10 scan of this page
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1.30-3.30pm
workshops Eric Heffer (invited), Ken Livingstone,
John Ross, Sinn Fein
Venue: Caxton House, St John's Way, Printed by East End Offset Ltd. (TU), London E2.
SOCiALiSt
ACTION
POLITICS AFTER
THE ELECTION
Saturday 4th July 10am-5pm 10-12.30pm Labour after the election
The election in the north of Ireland Glasnost The future of Thatcherism
3.30-5pm Europe: A two tier society speakers include Linda Bellos,
Ernest Mandel, Ann Pettifor,
Tickets £4 waged £2 unwaged and students London, N19 Archway underground Disabled access
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civil
servants
THE ENTIRE labour movement must rally to the side of the civil servants, now entering their third month of dispute over pay, hours and conditions. The civil servants, along with the teachers, are in the front line of the fightback against the reelected Tory government. Effective labour movement solidarity will be vital inconfronting the new range of attacks planned by the government and the employers on all workers. JON SILBERMAN reports.
ON Thursday and Friday of this week, civil servants throughout Scotland and the north-east will be out on strike. Next week, it will be the turn CPSA ailu SCPS members in Londor and the south; and in the first week of July, Wales, Yorkshire and the Midlands will be out.
These regional actions follow the massively successtul national week strike action on 8 and 9 June. The national stoppage involved 250,000 civil servants and closed benefit and employment offices, brought the work government deparments it
Whitehall to an standstill and created havoc at ferry ports and airport terminals
Despite warnings that
workers GCHQ, Cheltenham, have maintained their union membershir despite the Tory goyernment-imposed
joined the national Dal action
Success
The success of the national reflects the deep-felt sentiment by civil
servants over the 40,000 conditions. Some CPSA members are so low paid that they are forced to claim state benefits. Over the last eight years, 150,000
jobs have been cut and conditions and services eroded.
The claim being fought
for by the Civil and Public
Services Association and the Society of Civil and
Public Servants for wage increase of £20 or 15 per cent; national
minimum wage of £l15; the abolition liciticia.
scales; six weeks' annual leave; and a 35-hour week.
Negotiations held with the Treasury officials on 15
ONE and a half million
workers went on strike in a massive protest to mark the eleventh anniversary
of the Soweto uprising,
according to the indepen-
dent Labour Monitoring
Group. Even this huge
figure — substantially up
on last, year is pro-
bably an underestimate.
Soweto was the scene of a Eleven years
mobilisation and
lilass violent confrontation in
which hundreds of young
people lost their lives at the
hands the apartheid
state
On Tuesday parts of
the township des.
erted and factories and
Support striking
and 16 June - following the government's reelection
- failed to produce any improvement to their original 4½ per cent offer.
Despite suggestions by CPSA general secretary, John Ellis, that the recent two-stage settlement of 7½ per cent worth six per cent for local government workers showed that the civil servants' dispute could be settled, the Treasury officials knew that the union's members would not be satisfied with a small increase
Unions
The government is going out to defeat the civil service unions, 1IUl conciliate with them.
In addition to the strike
and rallies, union members have also enforced an overtime ban and have withdrawn good Will.
The long-runnin‹
dispute has haa protouna effects within the civil ser vice unions themselves. At
its annual conference earlie!
this year, the SCPS voted
overwhelmingly in tavour of long-intended
amalgamation the
Civil Service Union.
SCPS general secretary
Leslie Christie echoed the
feelings of many conference
delegates who had ex-
perienced the strength of
the united campaign with
the CPSA when he
predicted that the merger
would just be the first step
to a broader amalgamation
process amongst civil ser-
vice mous
But the most spec
tacular developments have
taken place within the
largest union, the CPSA.
The union's annual con-
ference recognised
political stakes involved in
businesses were paralysed
as workers stayed
Sisuu.
of the United Democratic
Front (UDF), described
the anniversary as a 'day
of mourning and a day of
ded are with them. They
with them. They
didn't die in vain. Their
sacrifice has become
lesson for the people of to-
'The younger
tion know exactly what to
do today because of them
she said.
Commemorative meet-
ings and rallies were held
which speakers from
community organisations
made militant calls for ac-
tion against the Pretoria
tegime.
EPSA
FRICAL
MSPUTE the dispute when it called
members to vote Labour in the election and decided ballot its membership on affiliaton to the Labour Party.
Major gains were registered for the unions Broad Left formation elections to the national executive. Of the 26 places on the NiC 18 went to the Broad Left
Majority
In the election for the union's deputy genera.
Broad Left candidate John Macreadie gained a majority of almost 6,000 votes over the rightwing candidate, Terry -Ainsworth.
Last year Macreadie had pipped John Ellis to the general secretary's job by 121 votes, but press smears over alleged 'ballot regularities and witchhunt directed agains Macreadie's support for the Militant newspaper, forced a re-vote which Ellis won.
A similar campaign has been launched by the union's response to Broad Left gains this year. They have found faithful allies in the
Mass strike commemorates Soweto uprising
Rapu Molekane, gen-
eral secretary of the newly
formed South African
Youth Congress (SAYCO)
called on the community
to make soweto a no-go
area for the police for
councillors and for in-
formers. We must isolate the enemy' he said.
SAYCO leaflets carry-
ing the organisation's
slogan 'Freedom or deat
victory is certain' freel
circulated within the
township.
mass strike and
rallies were part of a fort-
action called by
the UDF. Centred
Soweto itself, it involved
community mobilisations
and strikes Durban,
Cape Town and other
press which, in addition to proposing a re-vote, have targetted the union'ssyst of workplace ballots.
In line with proposalsin the governient s green paper on the trade unions, the press have ca
ballots hield meetings. Déspite: thest ballots being secreta despite their ensuring far greater membership volvement in elections Tories and their media friends say that postal ballots are mote "democratic!
Their "ballot regularities' and 'democracy' . claims an simply the cloak unde which the press is seeking to undermine the strength of the civil servants action and the impact it is havin within the unions
Supporting the civil ser vants, fighting against the witch-hunting Jahn Macreadie, and opposin press interferer. ce into thi union's internal attairs wil be vital if the labour move ment is to mount effective resistance to the goveth ment's 2s and renewed attacks on TO IS
cities Full details of th scale of the mobilisations and the actions the
apartheid forces are cloud
ed by the censorship law operated by the preten regime.
Oliver Tambo called e
all democracy • patriotic South Afnita
ensure the monut of
witnesses a massive TEVO
on all fronts
Speaking A from
Lusaka, Tambo said that
'should sce
massive demonstration O
our resolve to be free F
jecting 'general strik
heightened mass and ah edi strike victory, ma ed actions'.
← Socialist Action No. 167, 5 June 1987Socialist Action No. 169, 10 July 1987 →