Socialist Action No. 181, July 1988

Socialist Action (IMG / Socialist League) · July 1988 · 12 pages, 21,519 words read by machine

The scan: 181-July-1988-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive)

Uncorrected machine reading of the whole issue. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from the scan and has not been corrected or cut into articles. Each page gives the headlines first, then the columns in order, so one article runs on into the next. Expect misread words. Use it to find things; quote from the scan.

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Page 1 scan of this page

SAVE THE BI SHARPEVILLE 6

No 181 THE SOUTH African regime has signalled its intention to murder the Sharpeville Six. The refusal by the trial judge on Monday 13 June to reopen the case on the Sharpeville Six marks Botha's determination to have the lives of these six innocent people in a show of strength against the rising tide of opposition to apartheid.

The decision immediately follows the unparalled success of last week's 3 day stay away by South African workers. As Oliver Tambo explained this was the longest in duration, the biggest in mass involvement, organised during a state of emergency and during the banning of the very organisations which would normally organise such an event.

International opposition has also

ACTiON

BUILDING AN ALLIANCE FOR SOCIALISM

July 1988

grown to unprecedented levels as re-

cent events have further exposed the

brutality of apartheid. Last week's

screening of the reality of child tor-

ture in apartheid's prisons reached

new depths of shock.

Saturday's birthday concert for

Mandela, transmitted to 60 coun-

tries, was the largest and most suc-

cessful mass event ever attempted by

the anti-apartheid movement, whose

message will have reached hundreds

of thousands for the first time.

Under increasing international

pressure both the EEC and the US

Congress are being obliged to discuss

new economic sanctions.

Pretoria's response is a brutal

show of strength. On Thursday 9

June Botha announced the extension

of the state of emergency for a third

year. In a further attempt to control

opposition by limiting freedom of

speech, measures have been widen-

ed to ban calls for election boycotts

40p or quoting members of restricted' organisations. Even the BBC is under threat of ban or strict curtailment, in response to the Suffer the Children programme and the Mandela concert.

The decision on the Sharpeville Six is part of this callous revenge by Pretoria to make the power of the regime unmistakeably clear, and the methods it is prepared to use against opposition.

The British government's response has been sickening apologetics for apartheid. Thatcher's opposition to sanctions, as Tambo states 'the one international measure which could end apartheid', is notorious. Whereas 24 Tory MPs put down Commons motion of 'distaste' at the BBC's decision to broadcast the Mandela concert, the Speaker refused a request for an emergency Commons debate on the Sharpeville Six.

DEFENDING UNILATERALISM Tony Benn MP on the policy review

p6&7 Ken Livingstone MP on the tasks for

the left p3 Geoffrey Howe's role at a meeting of EEC foriegn ministers was to successfully water down a statement of protest at the decision on the Six. As a result all references to their 'astonishment' and a direct appeal to Botha were excluded. The substitution that all legal options' should be used to save the Six is a sick joke.

The clearly massive international opposition which exists to apar theid must be mobilised in time up to 19 July to defend the Six. Weekly Wednesday lunchtime pickets of the Foriegn Office are being organised by the AAM. The AAM Mandela demonstration on 17 July must be a huge and unequivocal outcry in defence of the Six.

Save the Sharpeville Six!

Demonstrate 17 July!

Page 2 scan of this page

Behind the Thatcher-Lawson rift

Socialist Action

ACTiON

Reorganising

the left

NEIL KINNOCK'S unilateralism, and the clear crisis that it has produced, creates a new situation in the Labour Party. In particular it destroys the political basis of the soft left.

After all what on earth does the soft left claim to stand for any more? It no longer defends the positions of women and black people in the party — the need to bring Labour into line with the changing composition of the working class. For a section of the LCC this was simply a cynical manoeuvre as they believed that by taking up the demands of women and black people they could criticise the hard left. But now that the hard left has corrected some original errors on this among some of its members, and is the chief defender in the party of the demands of women and black people, the soft left has lost any practical interest in the subject - showing these issues did not form any point of principle, or even of political strategy. Magician

Nor does the soft left have any viable economic strategy. The policy review document on A Productive and Competitive Economy, produced by Bryan Gould, is literally incredible. As Ken Livingstone has pointed out even a magician couldn't make the figures it proposes add up. It furthermore suggests that the entire British economy will be reoriented towards modernising the domestic economy but that measures of public ownership or control of capital will be unnecessary to do it — presumably British capital will repent of its ways and reverse its course over the entire last century in a sort of capitalist conversion on the road to Damascus? The economic policy document from the review is is not merely not socialist, it isn't even practical.

On unilateralism the issue is now brutally sharp. The soft left have spent the time since 1983 explaining, as Alice Mahon pointed out at Chesterfield, that even if other policies were going to be abandoned unilateralism would be maintained. Now the person for whom all these sacrifices of principle have been

made, Neil Kinnock, turns round and delivers a

crushing attack on unilateralism.

Furthermore the soft left has made the situation

worse by its total gutlessness. A year ago a statement

on left unity was put out which a few individuals

from the soft left - Peter Hain, George Galloway

and Joan Ruddock - to their credit signed. The

truth of the matter is that if Kinnock had been con-

fronted with a united left he would never have dared

to make the retreats he has —

unilateralism. But instead when the rest of the soft

left kicked up a tremendous fuss, the soft left who

had been prepared to work with the hard lett

retreated in the face of the criticism. The result was

that Kinnock, not being confronted with a united

left on the key issues, felt emboldened to go in for

further attacks on party policy.

Mid-air Robin Cook, who emerged as the chief opponent

of left unity, has now turned up as the chief organiser

of the Kinnock-Hattersley, that is the soft-left plus

right, campaign. The soft left was more concerned to

keep itself together on any old basis than to take a

stand for principles in the party — and this despite

the fact that those who signed the statement on lett

unity were perfectly prepared to face up to criticism

by more sectarian elements within the hard left.

in essence, suspended in mid-air. Its refusal to act left

the space for Kinnock to carry through his attacks

on unilateralism and much else besides. The soft left

paralysed itself by the fact it started off by support

for an individual, Kinnock, and only then decided

the policies it would support. It then deepened that

by a sectarian refusal to work with others in the par-

ty. Instead it must always be principles and policies

which come first.

July 1988 renunciation of particularly on Today the situation is different. The soft left is,

HEADLINES ON the economy in the last month have been made by the divisions between Lawson and Margaret Thatcher over the exchange rate of the pound. But behind the immediate bust up lies much more substantial questions of the present state of the British economy and last October's stock market crash. JOHN ROSS reports.

THE real driving force of the divisions between Thatcher and Lawson which received so much publicity earlier this year deteriorating situation of the British balance

Treasury DOVICHELS forecasts last Autumn projected balance of

›ayment: of £4

illion this year. But this i clearly going to be vastly exceeded. On the basis of the

months of the MUSE HICC year £7-8 billion is much more likely.

Furthermore projec tions for 1989 are much worse the deficits being projected by the forecasting institutes to £12 billion. For the first time since the oil boom started in the late 1970s the British economy is running into its

familiar post war problem

pressure on the balance

of payments. It is Lawson's

about the

competivity of British in-

dustry which underlies his

opposition to a revaluation

in the pound.

Several factors are now

coming together to produce

this rapid deterioration in

the balance of payments

They are not incidental but

built into the entire way the

British economy has

developed under Thatcher

Reduced to its essentials

Britain. SICE 1979.

been running a balance of

trade surplus with North

America, with the OPEC

countries, and in oil which

finances

payments deficit

manufacturing with Japan

and the EEC.

Crucial shifts in world

prices were already under-

mining this before the Oc-

tober crash

decrease in the real price of

oil. Britain was increasingly

unable to compensate for a

deficit manufactured

goods with a surplus in oil.

But the events of the last

two years, brought together

in the October stockmarket

crash sharply worsened that

they have

Studuon

Nigel

dramatically affected the relations between the three main international economic centres — Japan, the United States, and the EEC.

Prior to the October crash the pattern of trade between the main capitalist centres The United States has been in balance trade deficit both with Japan and with Western Europe - producing the well known US balance of trade deficit. Japan ran trade surpluses with both the United States and western burope Japan's trade surplus with Ine BEe in reoruary was $1.9 billion. Western Europe financed this deficit with Japan, and the East Asian Newly Industrialising a trade surplus withe

trade surplus with United States - the EEC visible trade surplus with the United States in 1987 was $24.3 billion dollars

Limping

This situation in the last

eight years allowed Western

Europe to limp along -although with a growth

significantly less than either

Japan or the United States

the latter benefitting

from huge loans from both

Japan and Western Europe.

But Western Europe's situa-

tion was not particularly

serious as long as it could

finance deficit with

Japan through a surplus

with the United States.

The new fact in the

situation, which sharply

alters the economic situa-

tion of Western Europe, is

the rapid devaluation of the

dollar since 1985 which ac-

celerated sharply after the

October 1987 crash. This

has given the possibility for

the United States to begin to

rapidly close its balance of

deficit with

months of this year show

the US balance of payments

deficit with Europe down to $4.6bn compared to $8.5bn in the same period last year The US deficit with Japan in contrast, has decreased much less rapidly, - from series the Fact that the US $19.3bn $17.5bn. can compete much more easily with the stagnant West European economies that it can with Japan.

Loses

The consequences of this are already beginning

A series of British and European com panies, starting with British Aerospace, have started to result of being undercut by report major loses as a US exports made dramatically more attractive by the devalued dollar.

The squeeze on Western Europe is made worse by the fact that the US trade offensive will not lead to a

of Japanese pressure. On the contrary Japanese exports to the United States are cut by dollar devaluation Japan is increasing export offensive against Europe. In Fobe sall by 140 pre February Japanese

cent while exports to the

EEC rose by 22 per cent.

Western Europe is now

coming under a squeeze

from two directions - the

familiar Japan and now, added to saucers from

this, a squeeze from the

United States

To complicate the situa-

tion still Turne for

Lawson, there will not be an

equal sharing of this burden

within Western e Europe.

Within the

strongest economy, West

Germany, will unload the

burden onto the weaker

ones - including Britain.

This is already occurr ing. With the cut exports to the US, due to the dollar devaluation, West Germany's export offensive inside the EEC is being stepped up. During the fourth quarter ol 1987, German exports to the Us fell by 5 per cent, while these Western Sent est creased by 9 per cent. German exports to the rest of the European Community rose by 6 per cent in real terms last year.

In this competition West Germany is able to use not only the inherent power of its economy but also the mechanisms of the EEC Monetary System (EMS) D Europear reinforce its positior The real value of the D-Mar against the currencies of its chief trading partners has fallen significantly over the past year. West German exporers have gained toughly

cent petitiveness since February 1987 against its major West European rivals.

Squeezed

The Single European

1992, Will make this situa- coming into force in tion worse and West Ger-

many more dominant.

While Western Europe as a

whole will be soucozeu

from two directions - from

Japan and from the United

States — Britain will also be

squeezed inside the EEC b

West Germany. This is wh

Lawson has become preoc-

cupied with the exchange

rate of the pound against

the deutsche mark.

In the immediate battle

inside the cabinet Lawson

has won out the first

Analysis

serious defeat on policy

the government Thatcher has suffered since she was elected. Lawson won due to the massive backing he was given from the CBI and virtually the entire financial press.

Economically capitalist framework, there

doubt that Lawson was right. The decade when Britain's balance payments could De KeD afloat on a sea of oil is now past. The surplus on Britain's oil trade has halved, from 68 billion to f4 billion, in the last eighteen months.

But politically Thatcher understood perfectly accurately the risks involved If the balance of payments deficit now has to be plugg ed by a significant rise in manufactured exports and that is now the only option open - that means a significant HICCASI manufacturing output SAHE with that will un doubtedly come renewed

pressure or wages and at least better conditions for trade union militancy. Indeed the firs symptoms both are beginning to appear.

Irony

Under Lawson's the

economic policy which ha

kept the labour movemen

on its back for nine years is

going to have to be ad-

justed Furthermore

Lawson's policy implies rate of done theed ange

rate the pound anc

therefore running the risk

of inflation from the higher

price of imported goods. A

combination of higher in-

flation and rapidly rising

manufacturing

would simultaneously an-

tagonise the labour move-

ment and place it in a

stronger bargaining

position.

It is a great irony by

Thatcher's greatest interna

tional ally, Ronald Reagan

has presided over the

policies that are beginning

just beginning, to under-

mine the base of Thatcher's

economic success. For the

first time for nine years the

tide of economic events is

ao numing no Thatcher

against Thatcher

government.

Page 3 scan of this page

How Mitterrand threw away

10 Socialist Action

Mass strike

hits Botha

THE BIGGEST strike in South African history took place between 6 and 8 June. Three million workers struck on the first day, responding to calls from COSATU and the UDF to protest at Botha's restrictions on trade unions and the bans on 17 anti - apartheid organisations introduced in February.

The strongest in the Pretoria -Witwatersrand Vereeninging triangle, Africa's manufacturing

Eastern Cape.

Eastern All car

•Wee shut. Most

ed do ma. Transport clos

Transport was deserted. Support stayed high over the three full days.

On day three, 72 per cent WORKeRS in manufacturing were still out une weakest resoonse was in Western Cape and

Gold, which earns 60 percent of South Africa's foreign exchange was only marginally affected.

By Paul Atkin

More coal miners came out, but only a small proportion of the 555,000 the industry. The NUM claimed that 40,000 of its members came out. The

Chamber of Mines claim-

ed 9000. It's clear that the

NUM still recovering from the huge exertion of

its national strike last September.

whee success

strike has hit Botha's im-

mediate strategy hard. The

an on the legal mass or

osition around the UD

was designed to force

underground and prevent

mass protests.

The ban one trade

activity by trade

unions was designed to

hobble COSATU into a

purely economic role and

avoid mass strikes to unite

the black working class.

This was intended to clear te- emergence of a layee decks

or black collaborators

Township level, who

WOle be cemented

place by the elections to

'township councils' spon-

sored by the regime in

September this year.

Botha's recent State-

ment that selected' black

figureheads could serve as

windowdressing in govern-

men Was following

same tack. The strike has

ruled this COUL with its

massive reassertion of sup UDL for COSATU and the

In the face of

Buthelezi's opposition, the

strike Was particularly

solid in Natal. There was

concerted counterat-

puts the UDF and

COSATU on an

celerated offensive in the

Drovince fought

off Inkatha's attacks over

July 1988 was the last year.

capitalists,

ine walte who lost £125 million through the strike. spent the strike issuing threats to the unions of dismissal and

tivists.

the

officials barring from

issuing worded

tional press proclaiming

by capital,

CITOES

inev

: after the strike, re-

workers

lave These

companies. The larger

the time with the

tained

Botha's

climate the country.

opposition

have een At

all army

Angola.

Bothas political bankruptcy has been starkly by

Townships the

strike

'76, with the

six people,

which a

resist-

ance and undermine

It 18

nationally.

analyses the outcome of the French elections.

THE performance of Mitterrane Cane Tenca Socialist Party in the elec-

the French assembly can only be described snatching defeat from the jaws of

Mitterrand entered the election with the clear project, not powerful victory, but of for-

right/SP government with a section of the right. Support from any section of the right looked less likely the greater the SP victory - hence the feeble mobilisation by the Socialist Party.

However, this tactic has rebounded on Mitterrand, and instead of a relatively comfortable five years of office, with the Socialist Party dictating terms to the 'centre' parties the SP is now sueezca between d strong CP group of delegates, and the right -which will be able to dictate the terms of its support for the government.

Mitterrand's personal success the May presidential elections, and the retusal of the centre parties to come to any agree-

with the minority socialist government 'Rocard in the pre-general election assembly, had laid the basis for a striking victory by ine renen socialist Party.

Coalition

In fact, as far as Mitter-

rand and the leadership or the SP was concerned, this was precisely the problem

The SP looked like winning a crushing majority over all its right-wing rivals.

It was this eventuality when vuitterrand was concerned to avoid. His gal

majority government, but with a nar-

row enough majority for the pressure to be maintain-

ed on the 'centre' parties to break up their coannon

with the right and join the government in some form. perienced bourgeois politi- Mitterrand

cian, having personally par-

ticipated in nearly all the

coalition Che Four french episodic

after the Second World

War. Coalition govern-

established as the 'natural

French bourgeois party of

government - unlike the

Conservative party in Bri

tain — had been a constant

French politics

leature of

since 1947. It was this situa-

tion which created the con-

ditions the

Bonapartist role of the

French president under De

Gaulle which was built into

the constitutional trame

work of the Fifth Republic

in 1958. Giscard d'Estaing, a stable 70s, under

right-wing bloc of parties in

the UDF appeared to be

emerging which could com-

mand a stable majority

within me renen stare

the elections

THE TWO weeks leading up to the first round of the elections to the French National Assembly saw an apparently bizarre spectacle - a party campaigning against achieving too great a victory. As a headline in the Observer put it Socialists fear landslide. In the event the French Socialists under Mitterrand and Rocard so demobilised their own supporters that not merely didn't they win a landslide, but they didn't even secure an overall majority in the Assembly.

Mitterrand's clear project was to prevent this being created, and to instead build up an alternative

Eurosocialist line, and the clear centre right parties of the rignt-wing coannon, on c line of support for big European capital.

obstacles confronted Mitterrand on this course. First the SP had to be built up to completely eliminate the CP on its leftflank. In this project MitTerrane was acca Dy LIC

sectarianism of the CP ir

failing to call for unity o the French workers move-

and secondly the reorientation of the French bourgeoisie from its old "softness' towards the Soviet Union towards alliance with West Germany allowed no within bourgeois politics for the CP's international line.

Throughout the early and mid 70s Mitterrand maintained the SP on a left

line arguing for unity of the

left, and finally achieving success 1981 elections. This 'left' orientation

through the 70s ensured the dominance of the SP over the CP within the left, and

ensured that when the CP

finally broke the electoral Dae Wine 10304

the advantage entirely went

to the SP.

Despite Mitterrand's right turn the absence of

unity on the left is seen as

the responsibility of the CP, and from the point of view

of the French bourgeoisie,

has always been interested

in it made the sP a more

useful instrument, not less.

The long term decline

of the French CP. exploite

ably by Mitterrand for his

own ends, had reduced the

CP to 7 per cent of the vote

in the first round of the

presidential elections.

Bourgeois

Secondly the SP alone

was not considered, and

would not be considered a

totally perfect instrument

TOr government by

bourgeoisie. The ruling

class preiers to exercise us

Own ct-

ly the labour

simple, its ties to the

strument the

an en by some OIS

force

has suc-

cesstully

This

гаing

forces - seen again in his

SYLVIA LEE

attempt to achieve a deal with Juquin for the assembly election - a successful "modernisation" of the party through structures like the Women's Ministry - when won a con

female vote in the presidential elections and blocking any closer relationship between the SP and the traditionally SP aligned trade union federa tion, the CFDT.

The separation between

is a vital component of Mitterrand's sulaley result, despite the precipitous decline of the CP, the CP-aligned federation, the CGT, remains the most powertur tradc union federation in France. Alliance

However eliminating the left is not enough. Mitterrand has to draw in some clement or te bourgols parties in order to secure his DIOCCL and this was his goal at this election.

Through weakening and undermining the right-wing block between the UDF and veterane aimed te cement an alliance between the SP the bourgeois parties. . Such an alliance, within which the SP was dominant, would act as a guarantee to the bourgeoisie for the actions of the government.

Equally Mitterrand is concerned that the rightwing programme he pro jects for the government should appear to be the result of constraints imposed by coalition with forces outside the SP. This was the meaning of 'opening out.

A crushing majority for the Socialist Party would have reinforced the alliance between the centre and

right-wing parties as

auntied opposition, and

would have undermined

project

creating a SP/'centre' pact

as the stable governmenta

instrument of big European

capital in France.

On the surface there is

no reason why an SP with a

crushing majority should

have been bothered about a

united "centre/right opposi

tion. However the pol

deepen the Eurosocialist"

features of the French SP,

particularly by entering

electoral agreements with

'centre bourgeois parties, to coom the line of an SP/CY conclusively break his

alliance.

This means breaking

with the policies which the

first Mitterrand

ment was elected on in 1981,

and deepening a course

towards strengthening the

EEC, building up the in

dependent European

nuclear force, and support

for the Single European

Al Making the SP the

'natural' • party of govern

Frenc

bourgeoisie means building

a new SP/centre bloc which

can both defeat the old Gaullist right, and be acceptable to the bourgeoisie

option.

In this context the party which was the least worried about the growth in support one ren ane me extent fascist right was the SP. The

of relatively strong extreme right cutting into the support for Chirac and creating tensions within the 'centre/right coalition was not without interest for Mitterrand's project.

A powertu victorv tol the Socialist Party woul not have aided Mitterrand's project. However, Mitterrand's tactic has backfired, for neither did he wish to be caught in a trap between the CP on the one hand and the centre parties on the other.

There Mitterrand is going to take his party into another coalltion with the Communist Party, but an important CP bloc of assembly members will be a thorn in the side of the government if Mittertre deputies to vote for his rand cannot convince policies. Failure

The tailure to secure ar overall majority for the SP means that Mitterrand Is not in control of the situation. The SP has to form ar agreement with a section of the right. However this wil be on the terms of the right for as soon as this support

the govern ment would fall

It is self-evident that the CP will not vote to keep Mitterrand in office, and the last thing Mitterranc would want is • to be relian

the CP anyway. Therefore rather than having two or three years to work out exactly how to

on what terms. Mitterrand

International

and Rocard are now posed with the task of forging an agreement rapidly - anc one which will last.

This effectively makes the SP government the prisoner of the right.

Left

Mitterrand's tactic of demobilising the SP's vote Was the higher vote for the CP ill-judged. Moreover

in the assembly election, which pushed its percentage up to 11.8, indicates that there was some dissatisfaction among a part of SP voters about Mitterrand's strategy of 'opening out'or more accurately alliance with the right

Alongside this the result may well strengthen Le Pen and the extreme right. Th failure of the right in the presidential election, where sanere was no ascemen

Le Pen, and the relative success of the right in the second round of the assembly elections, where there was an electoral agree ment with Le Pen, will allow Le Pen's supporters to argue the right can only

SerOUs \ alliance with the National

Mitterrand's course of

seeking coaltion with bourgeois parties to pursue a policy in the interests of big European capital l

simply the sharpest example of a trend throughout the

socialist parties in Europe

The response of the lett

must be to call on the

Socialist Party to abandon

SP/CP

government. This is the cor

rect response to the out

to the right-wing road that

Mitterrand has mapped out

both for the socialist party

and the workers movement

in France.

Page 4 scan of this page

A real opportunity for change

Socialist Action

Women's Action

Committee backs

Heffer

THE executive meeting of the Labour Women's Action Committee (LWAC) on Saturday 11 June agreed to support Eric Heffer in the election for Deputy Leader.

This follows LWAC'S previous decision to support Tony Benn in the election for Leader.

By Anne Kane Asst Secretary LWAC (personal capacity)

LWAC's decision was made following approaches to all candidates standing for Deputy Leader on where they stood in relation to wALs demanas and objectives. Following the April PreCure L.WAC wrote to all three candidates

Eric Heffer, Roy Hat tersley, and John Prescott

- listing LWAC's demands and inviting them to dicate their views. These included LWAC'S demanas for the restructuring of the women's organisation that the election of the

NEC women s section

should be by women at the women's conference, that there should be at least one

every parliashort list, and

that in line with 1985 party

conference

abortion there should be

conscience YUIC on Speakers:

Diane Abbott MP Alice Mahon MP Maureen O'Mara, NUPE Ann Pettifor, LWAC Margaret Prosser, TGWU Jo Richardson MP SHIKISHA, the Zulu

during Labour Women's conference. The social is

and LWI. Venue is "Leisure World'. Tickets are £2.50/£1.50.

July 1988 By the executive on 11 June the only candidate to even bother to reply Eric Hetter. Vore importantly the content of the reply was quite in line with LWAC's demands as stated candidates. Particularly highlighted in the reply was Eric Heffer's supPerence decision on abon- 1985 TOn. including that there should be no vote of 'conscience. He explained that this was in line with his longstanding support for *the Steel Bill since I voted for when he first introduced Commons:

WAC was understandably encouraged to receive this statement of support for a woman's right to choose as well as for the changes demanded to give women some decision making power DETE. DETE.

Despite IWAC's decision tc approach all candidates on the matter of the deputy leadership, Roy Hattersley's abstention on the Alton Bill and strong opposition to the right choice on abortion are That the other candidates did not even women and IWAC seriously enough even to reply to the approaches deserves the dis dain of women and those who support their rights in the party.

LWAC is therefore able to state its support for Eric Heffer as Deputy Leader.

IWAC Fringe Meeting

Modernising the Party

Giving Women a Political

Voice

Saturday 25 June 5.30pm, Southcliffe Hotel, Kings Room (opposite conference centre)

women's group from South Africa, will play at Saturday night's social

jointly organised by the Yorkshire Regional Women's Comittee, WAC

Women's conference

THE results of the review of the women's organisation, initiated by 1986 Labour Party conference, are a striking vindication of the Labour Women's Action Committee's nine year long campaign for the restructuring of the women's organisation. proposals that IWAC has fought for, particularly the election of the NEC women's places, received majority support. IWAC's correct hegemony among all those supporting change in the Labour Women's Organisation.

The need for a radical reorientation of the Labour Party on women was most strikingly demonstrated recentiv with regard to the

Alton Bill. The 55 Labour MPs who did their bit to clear the way for David

have in fact deepened the grounaswell or support for LWAC's proposals among women not only in the constituency parties but also in the trade unions.

By Anne Kane

contrast to une apologetics of the Labour

leadership, mne response

from the unions to these

MPs failed VOLC

against Alton on 22 Janu-

ary, many

union sponsored, was very

Of the union confer-

ences which have recently

taken place

USDAW, and NUPE, have

ai passea reso aons cor

demning the voting of those

Page 5 scan of this page

The Socialist Conference - not the way forward

News

Socialist Conference in Chesterfield on 11/12 June reflected the wide support which exists for Tony Benn and Eric Heffer's challenge to the Labour leadership and its policies. But, unfortunately, the conference did not tap that support and show it a way forward.

What should have been at ine centre orte week end came at the rally on the Saturdav evening when there were a series of blistering attacks on the policy review from Tony Benn, Eric Heffer, Alice Mahon and others. These took up the most central issues facing the labour movement - unilateral nuclear disarmament, public ownership and economic policy, the party's links with the trade unions, the huge change in

the working class in favour of women and black people. The meeting, organised by the Campaign Group also

the Labour Party. Because it will be at Labour Party conference and in the Lace union conferences and Labour Party meetings which prepare it, that the issue of unilateral nuclear disarmament, or the economy, will be decided. No "movement",

outside Labour Party, will decide whether nuclear weapons are removed from Britain, or what economic policy is adopted by the labour movement. That will be

Ireland -

decades will take place on 30 June.

On that day Time to Go a charter signed by a very broad range of political higures artists and other public figures will be promoted. Planned to coincide with the twentieth anniversary STILISH troops being sent to Ireland, a broad range ot events and political discussion are scheduled, to cul minate in a carnival and

in London in August 1989.

By Anne Kane

The Charter's theme is nartnese nave beeswer-

ty wasted years. It points

out that with nearly 3000

dead and with no progress

on some of the most basic

demands of the civil rights mops to find a British successive

solution have failed.

A diverse range of figques hon said time ris ures yes to its

ain left Northern Ireland?.

include oreanisa-

tions like the LCI along

with representatives of the

Federation of Irish Socie-

ties and the Indian Work-

ers Association, journal-

ists such as Melanie Mc-

The turnout of over 2,000 people to the second decided inside the Labour Party.

rest of the conference did not have that tocus. It was dictated by concerns of those outside the Labour Party - in particular by the Socialist Society and its concern to try to create a new party outside the La-

tical focus was therefore

developments at the con-

did not compen sate for that wrong focus.

By John Ross

This CaLC clearly in the attempt to create rival organisations to existing campaigns in the Labour Party. •Women for Socialism' for example, whose platform consisted

defeated in internal struggles in the Labour Women's Action Committee, is a purely phantom organisation. Since its founding

the first Chesterfield conference it has carried on no activities, circulated

For propo sals for the Labour Party THE LAUNCH of what is planned as the largest and most wide ranging series of activities to promote support for British withdrawal from ireland seen for Donald Woods John Pilger, Donald and Joe Haines of the Daily MirMargaret Ward and AJP writers such as Taylor, actors 0E1102 Thompson and Robbie Coltrane, poets Benjamin Zephaniah and Linton

Johnson, Wendy

AWES others such Savage Bran and Peter Townsend. from across the politcal spectrum have given support and include Clare Short, Ken Livingstone and Simon Hughes

The aim of the year is to stimulate the widest possible discussion of British presence in Ireland and to take popular support for withdrawal on to an entirely new level. The pro-

gramme of events is very broad in scope, including political meetings and con-

ferences, speaking LOUTS and the August demon-

along with cultural events such as film TestVal. exhibitions, music and social activities.

Following the press launch of the Charter, a

'rolling launch around

England, Scotland and

Wales is planned for Sep-

Tole in the Fight Alton Bill elsewhere, played campaign. sole real

us to attack the Women's Action Committee. Yet this organisation was given a prominent place at the conferCHICC

Similarly on Ireland there organistion in the Labour Party - the Labour Committee on Ireland (LCI). After a series of interna discussions this has adopted clear perspectives. Yet it was nose who had been defeated in the LCI who were given a platform at Chesterfield what was clearly intended was to attempt to launch a rival projected course the LCI This is a purely sectarian project.

The reasons for the

"Time to Go!'

tember and October.r London, the LCI plans to organise a tour of colleges for Freshers Fairs and to organise a central London rally for mid-October.

This will be combined with contacting CORSIEU ency Labour Parties in London informing them of events, offering speakers and in particular pro moting resolutions on Ireland and the year of action for the London Labour Party Conference. To begin to revitalise awarenes in the London party, LCI

the London conference,

London conference, the first for some years

These and similar events around the country will be used to promote the Na tional ACTIVISIS Conference planned for Novem ber in London. This aims to consondate strengthen plans for local and national activity leading up to the August demonstration. in London lor instance it is aimed to use the time after this to hold a borough by borough series of meetings, coordinated through the LCI and other supporting organisations in London.

For spring 1989 the final run into the demonstration

and carnival will be started

visionally entitle proe

visionally entitled

Great beDate to teature

prominent representatives

ambiguities, and on number of issues wrong positions, of the conference were threefold.

First, a section of the conference organisers, in particular in the Socialist Society, continue to press

wing do not have the support of

Campaign the wider left in the party Thus in the workshop on international economic policy support for the EEC was urged as a policy for the left on the basis of the idea unal is insurutions could be used to con-

transnational

Poreign The workshop ar

policy mament was led off by the European Nuclear Disarmament campaign which gives some credence

nonsense about the "soviet threat. of organisations spanning the political spectrum in Ireland and Britain

A further round of political and cultural activites are planned following this, to build the maximum support for the August events

Finally it is hoped that a Key feature of the year will

•Women's Year of Action. Labour for Ireland is working with

tions and women s individuals in organisaplanning events to high-

the experience of

Irish women and to take advantage of the already considerable support with-

women's labour movement for British withdrawal from Ireland.

An initial planning

meeting is being held in the London Women's Centre on 9 July IWI plans

underway include a launch

meeting at Labour Women's Conference on June

25 where speakers will in

Theresa CHUGe Clare malley mpaign Short of the MP

Guildford

the Irish Women's Abor

tion Support Group and

the United Campaign

Against Strip Searching

as well as a national road

show for Internationa

Women's Week in March

1989, and meetings at

TOTLRCORIS regional

Labour women's confer-

ences and TUC Women's

Conference.

One of the papers circulated by the conference organisers, Richard Kuper, urges support for Proportional nepresentation. Concretely ir Britain todav this would simply be a meera formin premajority

forming majority governments and instead increase pressure for it to enter •coalllion WILl sEne Social and Liberal Demo-

- when Is way n has the support of those torees in the labour move ment, such as Eric Hammond, Gavin Laird, and Eric Hobsbawm, who supDor coalition with the SLD

This, of course, is tied to the question of whether to be in the Labour Party or not. If the goal is to set up a rival to the Labour Party then PR is essential. If, on the contrary, the real task today is to prevent Labour being pulled into coal tionist politics with the SLD then opposing PR is essential.

On the economy the statement on Aims and Objectives' adopted, and

some of the for par

forward were a step clearly reaffirming the centrality of public ownership. contrast to the first Social-

Conterence at which Robin Murray had placed all his emphasis on attacking "traditional" public ownership and it had been suggested by the speaker at

review statements

Socialist Action the international economy workshop that joining the European Monetary SVS tem might be an appropriate response to the Octo ber Wall Street crash. This shift in emphasis on the together with involvemen of the Labour Party Black Section, was the chief positive

Finally these points came together in the decision to establish a 'SocialISU Movement' with 45 member National Committee and the establishment of local groups. The latter in particular goes in the wrong direction.

There are today clearly established rank and ille campaigns in the Labour Party which have for years a track record of of struggle for party democracy through the Campaign for Labour Party democracy, for rights through the Women's Action Committee against racism - by the Black Section, for withdrawal from Ireland through the Labour Committee on Ireland and so on. These have established recognised poSitions in the party.

The attempt to bypass these campaigns. firstly, will not work and, secondly, is deeply sectarian. Furthermore the politics on which this is being attempted is, in several cases, politically substantially to the right of the existing

CAMPAIGN GROUP (SCOTLAND) CONFERENCE

ALTERNATIVES TO THE

POLICY REVIEW

Saturday 27th August 10.00am-6.00pm Denny Civic Theatre, Dumbarton

rade unions, and all the main areas where the media have been campaigning against Party polic Proposals to re-attim the commitment to unilateral nuclear disarmament, to cut arms expenditure, t an rejected by the NEC. An economic policy is proposed for which the figures simply don't add uf to phase out nuclear power, and to abolish the House of Lords were twin a general electicy review has nothing to offer Labour in Scortand, and wil make it more dicul Campaign Group Scotland is therefore hosting a conference to discuss the alternatives to the policy

SPEAKERS WILL INCLUDE TONY BENN ME ERIC HEFFER MP KEN WVINGSTONE MP ANN PETTIFOR ANN HENDERSON DENNIS CANAVAN MP GAVIN STRANG MP • The alternative to the Polley Review • Labour's economic policy • The case for

Women in the Scottish labour movement • The fight for a Scottis! Assembly, and the Righting raelim he Pond the tie win campaign against the Poll Tax • Scottish Labour and Irelan

- July 1988 campaigns this is par ticularly the case where the

Society sCon cerned.

On a local level, hitherto, the Campaign Group has encouraged the forma tion of local Campaign Groups. These have a clear focus winning the activity and political positions which are necessary in the Labour Party and

'Ches terfield' groups, which include those not in the Labour Party, have no suc clear role. Furthermore, a in the real world it not possible to build two local organisations simultaneously, Chesterfield groups will cut across

the ringing a d

the strengthening left in the Labour Party.

This is particularly im portant as the Benn-Hef fer campaign potentially gives a real opportunity to organise the left in the part he ambiguity of its re lation to the Labour Party and the sectarianism it is led into by attempting to bypass the existing campaigns in the party, means that the potential of those 2,000 people at Chester field is not properly utilised. To be effective it has to be clearly reoriented to building an organised political left inside the Labour Party and labour movement.

public ownership, d

Page 6 scan of this page

The Policy threatens tl entire part!

Socialist Action July 1988 THE EVENTS of early June, Neil Kinnock's renunciation unilateralism and the resignation of Denzil Davis as Labour's defence spokesperson, have fully confirmed the decision to contest the leadership. To have a party leader abandon and reverse a long established policy on television and then as a result to lose his defence spokesperson in parliament is an indication of the depth of the problem in the Labour Party and the width of the anxiety across the party at the way things are developing.

From the beginning Eric Heffer and 1 have said that the leadership campaign was not about personatues. It was polltical. It was about policy. When it was decided to nominate candidates for the leadership it was known that the policy review was coming.

The issue which has now taken centre stage is our defence policy - unilateralism. It was never intended by the leadership that we should enter the next election with a defence policy comparable to the unilateralist one on which we fought the last election. All that was unclear was when they intended to attempt to alter it.

The British public is streets ahead of the Labour leadership. The document bruam wine world, walen was the poucy review paper on international and defence questions, has no analysis of the world as we shall find it in the 1990s.

The situation is really that we don't have an independent nuclear deterrent. It is totally dependent on the United States. This is even clearer with Trident. If the Americans turn off the switch it simply won't work. Star Wars

Second the polls now show that Gorbachev is far more trusted than Reagan. This is not a question of individuals. Gorbachev knows that for the Russian economy to recover he must disarm, whereas the Americans have actually

NEIL KINNOCK'S statement renouncing unilateralism,

and the resignation of Denzil Davis, has brought the issues in the policy review right into the centre of the

Labour leadership election. Socialist Action asked TONY

BENN for his assessment of the policy review.

relied on rearmament to sustain their economy. That is the difference between a capitalist and a communist economy. Star Wars is the way that the Pentagon refreshes high technology industry in the United States via the defence budget.

I believe we should present our "defence policy' as a 'peace policy. Don't misunderstand me, I'm a unilateralist completely. But people are beginning to perceive a change in the whole international landscape. They think the Euro-

Instead of capitalising on this we are retreating. At the last election, by very careful manipulation of the defence document, we already stepped back from New Zealand's position of not letting US ships with nuclear weapons enter our ports, or aircraft with nuclear weapons land at our airfields.

Defence

The retreat on defence spending, which has now been made explicit. was started before the last election. The conference decisions which were carried before that election, by a two thirds majority, were threefold: mutual dissolution of NATO and the Warsaw Pact, reduction of defence expenditure to the same percentage of the GDP as our European allies, and the non-nuclear policy.

Of these three principles the proposal to reduce defence expenditure was abandoned before the last election. In the last manifesto we said we would spend more on conventional weapons. Now the NEC has made this explicit by voting against reducing defence spending to the same level as our European allies.

If we take the other policy review papers, that on the economy is entirely lacking in any analysis as to why things are as they are. The situation is attributed to the government, to the failure of exchange rate policy, macro-economic policy and so on. There is no explanation of what is going on. There is no reference to past experience where Labour governments which have come in with high expectations which have been frustrated by pressures from banks and multi-

nationals. The document even claims that job satisfaction is as important to the employer as it is to the employee! Above all the economic policy document has abandoned entirely the idea that economic power may be in any way linked to ownership. It is a fundamentally anti-democratic document, an anti-socialist document.

Unions

Then there is the document People at work' which downgrades the role of the trade unions. The party leadership wants the trade unions for the electoral college, but they don't want the trade unions to play a leading part in the development of future economic policy.

The original draft of the document said that works councils would be open to everyone as in Sweden and West Germany. Although the trade unions would

'influential" WONKS councils, it would be the works council and not the trade union that would be at central.

There was no reference to the fact that trade unions are more popular than they have been for fifteen years. All the emphasis is that a Labour government would work with business, with the CBI, with Chambers of Commerce and so on, not that it would work with the trade

That draft created so much anxiety that it was withdrawn. But it was indicative that such a document could come forward in the Labour Party at a high level.

Then there is the paper on Economic Equality. This contains the nearest thing to a pledge in the policy review - which is that higher tax rates will not rise above those prevailing in European countries. So we have a firm policy for higher tax payers.

But when I moved an amendment at the bottom end of the scale, that we would write off all the debt owed by the poor under the social fund — in the way that the Rover debts were written off, or

the coal industry debts will be written off - that was declared to be unacceptable

The document on the environment doesn't contain any reference whatever to phasing out nuclear power.

The document on democracy makes no reference to attacks on civil liberties, no reference to the House of Lords, no reference to patronage, no reference to

Finally on the EEC there was the statement by Neil Kinnock, never passed at any Labour conference, that it was inconceivable Labour could ever leave the Common Market. In fact it is clear that a Labour government coming to power in 1991 or 1992, just as the Single European Act comes into force, would be prevented by law - and our domestic law is now subservient to Common Market law from doing anything about the control of capital, or the stimulation of the economy, which goes beyond the play of normal market forces. Wholesale These reviews, taken together, repre sent more than a retreat. They are a wholesale rout on the part of the party leadership. They unpick the two main ingredients of the Labour Party-first that it is a party based on the interests of working people reflected through the unions and, secondly, that it is a party

Hundreds of thousands have protested against nuclear weapons in Britain at actior

which has some socialist perspective however long it takes to realise

This means we are really faced with the second phase of the leadership cam paign - which will last from now to the conference. The emphasis must be or persuading conference to reject the docu ments, or those points in the documents to Which I have referred. Alternative

We shall also have to say, a poin often used against us, that unless there a two thirds majority, these document will not be a part of the entrenched pro gramme of the party.

When we got majorities for unilater alism which fell short of two thirds tha was always drawn to our attention. Ther is a very good prospect, if we can get thi across, that the party will realise that th survival of a serious alternative to Mr Thatcher is at stake.

Labour Party membership is fallin It has done for some years. The role the local parties, and the members, is t be disregarded at the same time as we ar dealing with a government whose im petus for the counter revolution is gettin stronger and stronger.

I believe that unless there is an alter native structure of power, representin broadly the interests of working peopi it will be very difficult to dislodge th

Page 7 scan of this page

ALPINE M'ALPINE organised by CND

present government and replace it by one likelv to give us a better deal.

Indeed this is now the most important issue of all, namely whether the Labour Party with its democratic machinery is to be allowed to continue or

Members of the party, left, right, and centre need reassurance that we are still a democratic party with trade unions, constituencies and other affiliated organisations able to go to annual conterence and resolve our differences by the normal process of voting.

There is a crisis of representation at present when people simply do not know what role the party members are expected to play under the principles of new realism. Opinion

We have always had differences of opinion as you would expect within the Labour Party, but we have always also known that after due debate a decision would be reached that would be clear and straight forward and that next year we could discuss the matter again.

It is not certain that this democratic procedure is a part of the leader's view of the future of the party as he sees it.

That is why, when the electoral college meets, the central issue will be about the nature legitimacy and democracy of

Review

STRENC

the party as well as about the individual policy questions that have emerged during the course of the campaign.

Finally I believe we should be clear on the outcome. It is interesting that a few years back we were told that if we were ike David Owen or David Steel we would have a tremendous electoral success. In reality the centre parties have split and split again. David Steel will be remembered as the man who destroyed the party he led.

Pressure

It is interesting that the Harris poll in the Observer found that 14 percent of the entire British population said that they supported me — which is over six million people. That is above the David Steel vote and far higher than the Owen parthe left of the Labour party is not a separate political party. without doubt a very large body of opinion, I would say larger than the centre party, which would like to put pressure on the Labour Party in a contrary direction to its current path.

The leadership campaign — not the outcome which is constrained within the electoral college — will bring out a very important element in British politics. I believe it is one we must build on in the year ahead

tersley defeating Hattersley.

would be between number of votes for Heffer.

of dealing with the present situation. Incoherent

member

up to today nobogy knows

damental matter

Similarly on

with the unions.

policy review or not.

But there is come out with a clear policy

Nor has Prescott any

not supported the

Why vote for Heffer

against Prescott

NO READER of Socialist Action is likely to be considering voting for Roy Hattersley in the deputy leadership election. Indeed in the CLPs, although not in the unions, Hat-

will be crushingly defeated. self-organisation. On the basis of previous years voting 75 per cent of the CLPs are likely to TO TeLE vote against Neil Kinnock's running partner. But a candidate who is being promoted, and who will receive a knows significant vote, is John Prescott.

Prescott also has a real chance of

Socialist Action has no doubt that in a second round of voting Prescott should be supported against Hattersley - and union votes make it clear that a run off

Hattersley Prescott. The Campaign Group would gain, and Benn and Heffer would increase their votes, if they made it clear now that in a second round they would be voting for Prescott against the right.

But this also makes it very important elections. to understand why socialists should vote for Eric Heffer in the first round and why

This is above all a question of policies nock's - the fact that the soft left, which supports Prescott, has no answers to the key

confronting the Labour Party.

John Prescott does not present a programme which is even remotely capable

His attack

Indeed one of the most striking things is how difficult it is to find out what Prescott's positions are. He was a

of the Productive and Competitive Economy working group of the policy review — the key economic committee. Yet he was not present for any of

final meetings of the committee which decided on the document. Right

wherer Prescott is in favour of the policy document which emerged or not. As this document abandons the party's position T8TELO. on public ownership, and is completely economicalv inconerent. this is a tun

tne trade unions Prescott has clearly called for closer links

But no one knows wnetner ne supports te oocument or People at Work which emerged from the

One area where John Prescott has

Is on unilateralism. He has made it clear he tions -stands for a unilateralist defence policy

- which is excellent. But he has not made clear where he stands on Britain in the World - the policy review document on international and defence policy.

known progressive positions on the issues which

aren't in the review but should be. He has

Labour Women's Action Committee -

Socialist Action and did not even bother to reply to WAC's request to deputy leadership candidates to clarify their positions on the key issues for women in the party. He has never supported Black Sections or black

Prescott has never taken a position for British withdrawal

The reason that Prescott has avoided committing himself to virtually any definite policies is twofold. Firstly no one

where he stands. Secondly because posing the policy issues raises the question of his relation to Kinnock.

Kinnock has treated Prescott in a disgraceful fashion. Prescott came second in the elections to the Shadow Cabinet - undoubtedly entitling him to a top job. But instead Kinnock, as part of his bloc with the right, appointed right wingers to all the key posts - John Smith as shadow chancellor, Gerald Kaufmann as shadow foreign secretary, and Roy Hattersley as shadow Home Secretary. Prescott was made energy spokesperson — junior to people he easi-

defeated in the shadow cabinet

Insulting

Even more disgraceful were Kinremarks when John Prescott

made his first withdrawal, earlier this year, from running for deputy leader. Instead of welcoming this as a step to party unity - which was why Kinnock had argued against the contest - Kinnoc spent his time insulting Prescott and making threats. This episode showed up

Kinnock for the shallow, petty individual he is - unworthy to lead a great party.

on Prescott undoubtedly discredited Kinnock.

But Prescott not only has no clear positions on the policy review but his own proposals are wrong. For example writing in Tribune on 3 June Prescott argued, outlining his basic platform: We

must learn the lesson from the last elec-

non, when our laxanon ponc

mess. For example, it is not credible for

Labour to suggest that our policies for

full employment or our policies for in.

vesting in the health service, funded by

can be tinanced on a pro-

gramme of low taxation. It can't and the

electorate knows it can't. Socialism is

about the language of priorities. We need to argue our case, not duck the issues.

In other words Prescott argues that

Labour should fight the next election as

the party of high taxation. Its pro-

gramme of social reform and economic

reconstruction should be achieved not at

the expense of capital but by taxing sec-

tions of the working class. The real op-

economic policies through attacking

military spending, foreign investment,

public ownership and the City of London

- are not advocated by Prescott.

The truth is this would be electorally

disastrous - and the right can show it

would be disastrous. If Labour attempts

to finance its economic programme by

taxing the working class, not by attack-

ing capital, it will simply split the work-

July 1988 ing class irrevocably and eliminate ar possibility of a Labour government.

Prescott's programme is not mere unclear but wrong

Finally Prescott's position is fatal flawed by the fact that he is unequivoca ly calling for a vote for Kinnock. Presco says he is defending unilateralism, defe ding the unions, fighting for full emplo ment, detending public ownership bi that he is urging a vote for the chief pe son, Kinnock, who is attacking all the: policies!

This is completely incoherent. If ti Policy Review is to be rejected, which must, then it is necessary to vote again Kinnock.

Prescott by running against Ha tersley is attacking the key link in the pa ty — the soft left's alliance with the rig in the party. As Kinnock's entire strateş is based on allying the so called soft le with the right wing a victory for Presco would be a devastating defeat for Ki nock. It would place the soft left charge of the party and leave it with r excuses for not carrying out its policie policy alternative to both the Poli Review and the fudging of Prescott. F stands clearly for public ownership, f rejecting the attacks on trade unic rigats, for unwateransm, for reducuon defence spending, for British withdraw from Ireland, and for defence democracy in the party.

Support

On black self-organisation women's rights in the party we think Ei Heffer was clearly wrong in the past n to vote for Black Sections - although the final NEC meeting he attended voted in favour. But even on this issue clearly sought a short term compromi acceptable to Black Sections where Prescott has done nothing. Prescott h never indicated support for the deman of WAC whereas Heffer supports thei Heffer's positions on women and bla people are clearly superior to Prescot

• although women and black peop will undoubtedly wish to get rid Hattersley.

The choice is clear. Socialists shou vote for Eric Heffer in the first round express i a socialist alternative to t Policy Review and Kinnock. This shou be used as a basis to win votes for Heffi and the other Campaign Group ca didates, in the NEC elections.in the s cond round Prescott should be voted f against Hattersley in order to defeat ti right.

It should be pointed out to those co sidering voting for Prescott in the fir round of the deputy leadership contest because of the necessity to defeat Ha tersley - that the only way to cast a cle socialist vote, and vote against the Poli Review, is to support Heffer. And th this will in no way conflict with t possibility of defeating the right. On t contrary the greater the dynamic f socialist candidates, and that mea Benn and Heffer, the better the chanc to defeat the right.

Page 8 scan of this page

here is Gorbachev going?

Socialist Action R TWENTY years of imity under Brezhnev the tempo economic and political pments in the Soviet Union iccelerated. Mikhail Gorv is fighting for economic political reforms aiming to

strengthen role of et mechanisms in the Soviet my. irbachev's case for market ed economic reform rests on he describes as the pre-crisis on' of the Soviet economy: If we at the economic indicators of 1 separately from these factors we te that over four five-year plan is we knew no increase in the abgrowth of the national income even began declining in the carly Gorbachev, February 1988).

edmond O'Neill

nce 1975, for the first time since evolution of 1917, the Soviet ›my is falling behind the United ; in relative growth in size of their ›mies. In 1975 Soviet production types reached 58 per cent the size e US economy. By 1983 it had ned to 56 percent and has since nued to fall behind. 1 the last two years, as a result of declining price of which her with exports of other raw rials had staved off the crisis for a id, there has been a significant ill fall in foreign trade from million roubles in 1985 to 128.9 in roubles in 1987. Trade with the capitalist economies fell by 30 per over the same period.

The reforms carried out under Gorev's programmes of "Perestroika' 'Glasnost' have to date made little ict in reviving the Soviet economy ence Gorbachev's strong denuncia; of conservative ms and calls for their acceleration. ey measure Gorbachev requires ever, a major increase of prices -sh have not been raised on basic ssities since 1962 - would certaine as unpopular with the Soviet king class as similar measures have 1 in Poland.

Immobility What the changes made under Gornev clearly raise however is their tion to the Soviet state itself. In parlar what is their relation to the deep ions which were covered over durthe repression of Stalin and the imbility of Brezhnev? king at the nature of the USSR The state created by the 1917 revolu1 in the Soviet union is a workers' e defending public ownership of the in means of production. Within this nework degree of market chanisms are necessary and benefit economy. It is not possible for any te to repress the market and in some as, notably the distribution of conner goods, the market will be for turies the most efficient mechanism distribution.

But the course being followed by irbachev goes further than this -i to the restoration of capitalism but

accommodate with DOST mestically and on the internationa! Id. To grasp that it is necessary to exline the historical roots of the proems in the Soviet Union.

Contrary to the expectations of arxists at the time the first socialist

that which created the SSR, took place in ckward country in Europe. Russia in 1917 combined a small ctor of large scale industry with a gantic peasant economy in which prepitalist economic edominated. The October revolution, om the economic point of view, had a sal character. The working class took ate power. In industry it expropriated pitalism. But in agriculture the workg class opened the way to real com-

July 1988 modity relations of production for the first time. The large landowners were expropriated. Land was radically redistributed. Without these shifts the peasants would never have supported the Soviet state. The number of individual farms increased from 17/18 million in 1917 to 25 million in 1928.

The Soviet economy from its inception theretore CalC under a cua. pressure of the market - externally from the capitalist world economy and internally from peasant production and the remnants of small scale capitalism in the Soviet economy. The internal and external capitalist forces naturally had a tendency to come together dangerous combination.

The economic problems this raised began to become acute in the 1920s. None of the leaders of the Bolshevik Party had believed in 1917 workers' state in an overwhelmingly peasant, and backward country, could persist for long without the extension of the socialist revolution to the advanced capitalist countries of Western Europe. As Lenin wrote in 1921: Even prior to the revolution, as well as atter it, we thought that the revolution would also occur either immediately or at least very soon in other backward countries and in the more highly developed capitalist countries, otherwise would perish. Notwithstanding this conviction did our utmost to preserve the Soviet system under any circumstances and at all costs, because we know that we are working not only for ourselves but also for the international revolution

Lenin's line was vindicated not merely in the Soviet Union but internationally. Without the existence of the Soviet Union, the victories of the

Chinese, we namese Cuban

Nicaraguan revolutions would not have

been possible - nor could they have

survived.

But capitalism in the advanced

capitalist states proved stronger than

Lenin and the carly Bolsheviks had

foreseen. The revolution

spread to the advanced countries.

Seventy years after 1917 the USSR has

become the second greatest military

power in the world, with the third

largest economy, but it remains sur-

rounded far stronger

economies than its own.

This economic strength of im-

perialism is just as real a threat to the

Soviet Union, and other workers states,

as is the military strength of capitalism.

Lenin warned of this in one of his

last speeches to the Soviet Communist

Party when he spoke of: a test to which

we shall be put by the Russian and in-

ternational market to which we are

subordinated, with which we are con-

nected and from which we cannot

escape!

Two systems Within the USSR itself, and even

Page 9 scan of this page

Repression extends within the borders of Israeli state

International

ROLAND RANCE, is an anti-Zionist Jew who has been working at the Alternative Information Centre in Israel, which was closed in February last year by the Israeli authorities. He talked to Socialist Action about recent events in Israel and the occupied territories.

The uprising is now moving into a different pattern. It started as a massive OULOUISE ot anger al zu years of occupation.

Now, in one sense it has quietened down. aTel zewel demonstrations. This is due to the increasing and effective closure of the ter-

But it is also because throughout the West Bank, institutions are being restructured from the bottom health, educational, agricultural, cultural, women's organisations, and students' organisations. They are all answerable to popular and local communities, and are co-ordinating nationally.

Popular

It is less spectacular, so it can seem as though nothing is happening. It is also more difficult to find out about, because it is happening outside the eyes of the authorities. The uprising is settling into a pattern that has gone beyond a revolt, into the beginnings of a revolutionary change of the whole of society.

About ten thousand people are now in jail from the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, out of a population of about a million and a half. About two thousand of these are under ministrative detention, which, under recent changes, means jail without trial for six months, with no right of appeal.

One in two hundred of the adult male population is held under administrative detention. About a quarter of them are held in one jail, Ketziot, in the Negev desert. They are held in tents, in sandy desert, in fierce heat, with little water, no toilets, poor food, with scorpions and snakes for company, and very harsh disciplinary measures.

Schools, police stations and army bases are being used as jails. A few weeks ago a special jail was opened to hold children aged 9-16. On Israel Children's Day, eighty children were released. We have no idea how many are being held.

But the repressive measures are not breaking the strikes. The barrier of fear in the army has been broken. This is beginning to have its effects in Israeli society: so far, 21 people have been sent to jail out of about 500 who have refused to serve in the West Bank.

They are using more troops now to

maintain order in Gaza and the West

Bank than it took to occupy them in 1967. In 1967 they called it the six day war. Now there is no end in sight.

Inflation The direct cost of maintaining the army there is in hundreds of millions of dollars; at one stage Rabin said $412 million.

The continuing strike has brought the Isracli building trade, which is totally dependent on Palestinian labour, to a standstill. In Tel Aviv and other places the streets are not being cleaned. It is

estimated that the uprising has cost

something like one and a half billion

dollars. Inflation has started to rise.

Tourism has dropped. The economy is

The political impact has been to

strengthen both right and left. Overall

there has been a shift to the right, and

in the elections this year the Likud is

likely to win a majority. Forces to the

right of the Likud, such as the Tehiya

Alternative Information Centre

40 YEARS

ISRAELI

INFAMY

up: adParty, and the National Religious Party, have also grown.

Support has grown for transfer' the forcible mass expulsion of the Palestinians. Four years.

Kahane dared to express this view, now it is official policy Tromet Parties. It is likely to become the official policy of the National Religious Party, and although not yet official policy of the Likud Party, it has been adopted by significant figures such as the Deputy Defence Minister.

Public support for it is growing. They are making preparations to start this in the guise of expulsions of 'inciters' and 'trouble makers. At election time we are likely to see dozens, if not hundreds, of expulsions.

The Labour Party has also moved to the right. Rabin, Defence is in the labour Party. he Labour Party has come out before the elections with the same platform as last time — the Four No's - no withdrawal to the 1967 borders, no recognition of me ceo ro raesuman state ocLween Israel and Jordan, no dismantling of settlements.

Rabin, according to polls, is the most popular figure in the Labour Party. There is nothing to their call for an international peace conference. Peres is quite clear: the PLO is not a partner for dialogue

As well as this overall rightward tendency, there is a strengthening of forces to the left of the Labour Party.

gainers in the next election,

ago only Rights Movement on the left. The Citizens of the Tehiya and

could involve Protest

the Minister of parliamentary

that did not survive.

form, occupation.

Particularly the Citizens' Rights Moveminers in sheetection, bill se Tehiya on the right, and the Citizens'

my. not for recognition of the PEO, no unequivocally for an end to the occupation. It is for negotiations with Palestinian representatives which could be the PLO, and for a peace settlement which

almost complete withdrawal. It is not a socialist or militant party, but it represents some consistent liberal position and has done good work on the prison camps and the

There is also a huge growth in extra-

politics and protest movements. About a month into the uprising representatives of some 50 organisations attended a co-ordinating meeting of protest movements in le Aviv. Some of them were small groups

But there are now about 20 active and militant protest groups working together, on a common agreed plat-

the Occupation!

Israeli/Palestinian Peace!'. Some peoPle, so me in til their limitations, are

some in all their limitations, are working on the right lines. Material and political support is needed for people inside Israel working for an end to the

Yesh Gul, the draft

Socialist Action LID

40 YEARS

NIQUITY

resisters, are paying with their freedom. Some of them have already been sent to jail for the second time during the uprising, for refusing to serve in the ar-

The issue of Israeli/ Palestinian cooperation is very important, because they are defining any Palestinian or any Palestinian organisation as terrorist.

People involved in the uprising say 'we are the PLO: Virtually the entire population identifies with the national movement. The PLO is the Palestinian people, certainly in the West Bank and Gaza. Israel is terrified that this will spread over the Green Line: some

Plan, Market and Democracy

for sinds and research

July 1988 9 Palestinians in Israel already say that tne reo represents tem The Unified Leadership of the Uprising consists of representatives from the main tendencies involved in organising the uprising. That is: Fatah (the leading the PLO), Popular Front, the Communist Party, the Islamic Jihad movement, and the Democratic Front, more or less in order of size.

Decisions are taken in the various groups and brought there to be discuss ed and implemented. it suggests a sophisticated level of organisation, and a close link between the leaders and the people. It is a leadership that has grown not just from the uprising, but from 20 years of occupation, through being in Israeli prisons together.

Political

It is not the traditional leaders that the Western press always talks to like Hanna Siniora. It is people you and don't know. Mainly young people whe have come out of Israeli jails on a

of occasions, and whe therefore have worked together. The munger sunkes u jans nave armos always represented all the political tendencies in the jails at any one time. and it has always had a unifying effect on the cadres involved.

Israel wants to delegitimise any form of political activity involving Israen Jews and ralestian Ardos, par ticularly Arabs from the '67 occupied territories. They will pick up a Palestinian and say 'this person is a member of the Democratic Front, therefore this sympathiser of the Democratic Front

Boycott

In that context, the trial of the AK and DerechNitzotz are waymarks tha the Israeli liberals will ignore at thei peril.

Freedom of the press should b taken up: journalists under ad ministrative detention, the closure o the occupied territories to journalists une assaults on onotograpnicis, acme of press credentials, steps taken agains foreign press as well as Israeli an Palestinian press.

Finally the time is increasingly righ for a boycott campaign. Israeli artist called for a boycott of the Israc festival. The poets who were appointe by the government to organise the inte national poetry festival resigned, calle on the poets not to come and tr festival was banned. The 21st Yea Committee is organising a boycott c goods produced in the occupied te ritories. This is starting to take off i Istaci

The very least that can be done her is to follow this, and I would hope tha now there is the impetus for a fu boycott campaign.

Plan, Market

and Democracy

The experience of the so-called

socialist countries By Catherine Samary

Notebooks for Study and

Research No. 7/9

Special double issue

OSCUSS Ke

theoretical and economic ques-

tions in choices confronting the

workers' states

£3 plus 50p p&p per issue from

Other Books, PO Box 50, London

Page 10 scan of this page

How Mitterrand threw away

Socialist Action

Mass strike

its Botha

IE BIGGEST strike in South African history took ice between 6 and 8 June. Three million workers uck on the first day, responding to calls from )SATU and the UDF to protest at Botha's restricns on trade unions and the bans on 17 anti- apareid organisations introduced in February.

The response was ongest in the Pretoria -twatersrand - Vereenjing triangle, South rica s Ban actua artland, Natal and

Cape. All Cal ints were shut. Most avy manufacturing clos-

down. Transport was serted. Support stayed in over the tree ran

On day three, 72 per

workers where sill

it. The weakest response as in western Cape and

mining. Gold, which rns 60 percent of South frica's foreign exchange,

only marginally afcted.

y Paul Atkin

More coal miners came it, but only a small proortion of the 555,000 in c mausuy. The NUM aimed that 40,000 of its

out. The CROCES Calle hamber of Mines claim9000. It's clear that the UM is still recovering om the huge exertion o s national strike last Sepimber.

Nevertheless, the overhelming success of the trike has hit Botha's imrediate strategy hard. The osition around the UDF an on the legal mass vas designed to force it inderground and prevent nass protests.

The ban on political etivity by the trade

designed to LIONS lobble COSATU into a surely economic role and void mass strikes to unite he black working class. This was intended to clear *- mergence of a layer decks if black collaborators at

level, who LOWESHID vould be cemented in ›lace by the elections to township councils sponored by the regime in september this year.

Botha's recent statenent that "selected' black igureheads could serve as

ment was following the ame tack. The strike has ruled this out with massive reassertion of support for COSATU and the UDF.

In the face of Buthelezi's opposition, the strike was particularly solid in Natal. There was no concerted COULLCIAL ack from Buthelezi. This

the UDF and BULS corated offensive in ac- COSATU province, having fought off Inkatha's attacks over

July 1988 the last year.

The white who million

LOSI through the strike, spent the strike issuing threats to the unions of dismissal and victimisation of union activists.

In Free State the liberal'

tion took injunctions against officials barring them from

issuing worded

unions and capital,

they

Gays alli the strike.

These

The larger companies.

with the

Botha's resthe ponse

climate in the country.

opposition

At the

deteriorating

the South African Army in

Angola.

Sharpeville

Bothas political

bankruptcy has OCCL starkly revealed by the

decision not to allow the

Sharpeville 6 a retrial. This

is an act of naked venge-

ance. Even with the police

and army deployed in the

Townships during

strike the regime

unable to risk the response

in a massace like tho

Now. with the

strike over it has determin-

ed to make an example of

six people, convicted

hang for being part of a

demonstration in which a

collaborator was killed.

This is bound to goad

the mass movement into

more determined resist-

ance and undermine

Botha's collaborators in

the run up to September's

Township elections. It is

the job of the solidarity

movement to ensure the

regime pays the price inter-

nationally.

analyses the outcome of the French elections.

THE performance of Mitterrand and the French Socialist Party in the elections to the French assembly can only described as snatching defeat from the jaws o victory.

Mitterrand entered the

ject, not of winning powerful victory, but of foring an agreement for : 'centre right/St ment with a section of the right. Support from any section of the right looked less likely the greater the SP victory - hence the feeble mobilisation by the Socialist Party.

However, this tactic has rebounded on Mitterrand, and instead of a relatively comfortable five years of office, with the Socialist Party dictating terms to the

the SP is

SUIORS delegates, and the right -which will be able to dictate the terms of its support tor the government.

Mitterrand'S personal success the May

elections, and the refusal of the centre parties to come to any agreement with Sine minority socialist government of косата in me pre-genera. election assembly, had laid the basis for a striking victory by the French Socialist

Party Coalition In fact, as far as Mitter-

rand and the leadership of

the SP was concerned, this

was precisely the problem.

The SP looked like winnin

a crushing majority over ai

its right-wing rivals.

It was this eventuality

which Mitterrand was con-

cerned to avoid. His goal

was for a majority SP

government, but with a nar-

row enough majority

the pressure to be maintain-

ed on the centre parties to

break up. their coalition

with the right and join the

government in some form

Vuitterrana 1 an

perienced bourgeois politi

cian, having personali

ticipated in nearly all the

coalition governments

after the Second

War. Coalition

ments. with no one party

established as the 'natural

French bourgeois party of

government - unlike the

Conservative party in Bri

tain — had been a constant

feature of French politics

since 1947. It was this situa-

non when creatca me con-

ditions for the semi-

bonapartist role of the

French president under De

Gaulle which was built into

the constitutional frame-

work of the Fifth Republic

in 1958.

In the 70s. under

Giscard d'Estaing, a stable

right-wing bloc of parties in

ppeare to be merging which could cor stable majority

within the French state.

the elections

THE TWO weeks leading up to the first round of the elections to the French National Assembly saw an apparently bizarre spectacle — a party campaigning against achieving too great a victory. As a headline in the Observer put it 'Socialists fear landslide. In the event the French Socialists under Mitterrand and Rocard so demobilised their own supporters that not merely didn't they win a landslide, but they didn't even secure an overall majority in the Assembly.

Mitterrand's clear project was to prevent tnis bemg created, and to instead

up alternative political force, composed of

clear "Eurosocialist" line, and the centre right parties of the right-wing coalition, on a

support for big European capital.

Two obstacles confronted Mitterrand on this course. First the SP had to be built up to completely eliminate the CP on its left flank. In this project Mitterrand was aided by tne sectarianism of the CP ir failing to call for unity of the French workers movement, ase secondly t reorientation of the French bourgeoisie trom is old "softness" towards the SOVC Union towards alliance with West Germany allowea no space within bourgeois politics for the CP's international line.

Throughout PEDe and mid 70s Mitterrand maintained the SP on a left

line, arguing for unity of the left, and finally chieving success in the 1981 elections. This left' orientation through the 70s ensured the dominance of the SP over the CP within the left, and

ensured thạt when the CP

pact with the SP in 1984. the advantage entirely went to the SP.

Despite Mitterrand's right turn the absence of

unity on the left is seen as

the responsibility of the CP,

and from the point of view

of the French bourgeoisie,

which is what Mitterrand

has always been interested

in, it made the SP a more

useful instrument, not less.

The long term de

of the French CP, exploite

ably by Mitterrand for his

own ends, had reduced the

CP to 7 per cent of the vote

in the first round of the

presidential elections.

Bourgeois

Secondly the SP alone

was not considered. anc

would not be considered a

totally perfect instrument

for government by the

bourgeoisie The ruling

class prefers to exercise its

rule directly through its own

partierough the labour

through the labour

bureaucracy. The SP is not

a bourgeois party pure and

LIC the

workers movement make it

a less than total precise the

the

bourgeoisie.

The bourgeoisie would

prefer that the actions of an

SP government were giver

backbone and sharpness by

O SOHIC

straightforwardly bourgeois

TOTEC.

Mitterrand SUC

cessfully eliminated any

forseeable threat of the

emergence of any signifi-

cant left within the SP. This

has been achieved through a

combination of incorpora-

tion of left-ward moving

forces — seen again in his

SYLVIA LEE

attempt to achieve a deal WILl for the assembly election — a suc cessful "modernisation' of the party through structures like the Women's Ministry — wnien won mim a major-

female vote in the presidential elections and blocking any closer relationship between the SP and the traditionally SP aligned trade union federation, the CFDT.

The separation between

is a vital component of MitTerranes result, despite the precipitous decline of the CP, the CP-aligned federation, the CGT, remains the most powerful trade union federation in France. Alliance

However eliminating the

left is not enough. Mitterrand has to draw in some element of the bourgeois parties in order to secure his project, and as was us goal at this election.

Through weakening and

undermining the right-wing

block between the UDF and

RPR, Mitterrand aimed to

cement an alliance between

Ine or and KEne

bourgeois parties. . Such an

aliance within which the

SP was dominant, would

aliasa guarantee to the

bourgeoisie for the actions

of the government.

Equally Mitterrand is

concerned that the right-

wing programme he pro-

jects the government

should appear to be the

result of constraints impos-

ed by coalition with forces

outside the SP. This was the

meaning of 'opening out.

A crushing majority tor

the Socialist Party would

have rein forced the alliance

between the centre and

right-wing parties as

united opposition, and

would have undermined

Mitterrand's project

creating a SP/centre' pact

ase see overcald

instrument of big European

capularm rtance

On the surface there is

no reason why an SP with a

crushing majority should

have been bothered about a

united centre/right opposi-

tion. However the policy of

precisely to

deepen the "Eurosocialist"

features of the French SP,

particularly by

electoral agreements wit

*centre bourgeois parties, to from the line of an SP/C conclusively break his

alliance.

This means breaking

with the policies which the

BISH Mitterrand govern

ment was elected on in 1981,

and deepening

towards strengthening the

EEC, building up the in-

dependent European

nuclear force, and support

for the Single European

Act.

Making the SP the

"natural' party of govern-

the French

bourgeoisie means building

a new SP/centre bloc which

can both defeat the old Gaullist right, and be acceptable to the bourgeoisie as a longterm governmental option.

In this context the party Wen Was Be as wonce about the growth in support

fascist right was the SP. The existance ota relatively strong extreme right cutting into the support for Chirac and creating tensions within the 'centre/right coalition WAS BOW OURCESO Mitterrand's project.

A powerful victory for the Socialist Party would not have aided Mitterrand's project. However, Mitterrand's tactic has backfired for neither did he wish to be caught in a trap between the Cr on the one hand and the centre parties on the other

There is no way ina Mitterrand is going to take his party into another coall tion with the Communist Party, but an important CP bloc of assembly members will be a thorn in the side of

rand cannot convince 'centre deputies to vote for his policies. Failure

The failure to secure an

overall majority for the SI

means that Mitterrand 1 not in control of the situation. The SP has to form an agreement with a section o the right. However this will be on the terms of the right for as soon as this support is witnarawn tac govern ment would fall.

It is self-evident that the CP will not vote to keep Mitterrand in office, and the last thing Mitterrand would want is to be reliant

the anyway. Therefore rather than having two or three years to work out exactly how to dea with the situation and on what terms. Mitterrand

International

and Rocard are now posed with the task of forging an agreement rapidly and one which will last.

This effectively makes the government the prisoner of the right.

Left

Mitterrand's tactic of demobilising the SP's vote was ill-judged. Moreover, the higher vote for the CP in the assembly election, when pusnca is percentag up to 11.8, indicates that there was some dissatisfaction among a part of SP voters about Mitterrand's strategy of opening out or more accurately alliance with the right.

Alongside this the result may well strengthen Le Pen and the extreme right. The failure of the right in the presidential election, where there *was agreement with Le •Pen. and relative success of the right in the second round of the assembly elections, where ment with Le Pen, will allow Le Pen's supporters to ariesthe ratance ony seriously advance alliance with the National Front

Mitterrand's course of seeking coalition with bourgeois parties to pursue a policy in the interests of

European capital is

simply the sharpest example

of a trend throughout the

socialist parties in Europe

The response of the left must be to call On Socialist Party to abandon

this project, and raise the demand for SP/CP government. This is the cor-

reet response to the out-

come of the elections, and

to the right-wing road that

Mitterrand has mapped out

both for the socialist party

and the workers movement

in France.

Page 11 scan of this page

In the Unions

UCW conference

THE UCW annual conference proved to be very lively. The chair of conference summed up the position by saying that the EC had taken pasting over the week.

By Steve Bell

The postal group of the EC was censured by con-

over the working week campaign, after delegates pointed to the breach of conference mandates and missed opportunities.

However despite being censured.

nearly every major he remans firme

remains firmly in control having been elected before conference by the membership.

alternative to the solid Kinnockite block that dominates the EC has beer developed, but the sponse of delegates at conference indicates that this is now clearly on the agenda.

Alan Tuffin, general

secretary, wne nas been closely personally identified in the TUe and Labout Party with support for *share-ownership schemes received an almighty snub when conference voted this policy down

Similarly, Tony Clarke union deputy general secretary and member of Labour's NEC, received a blow when conference volea oy a nute Hall a campaign against the poll tax which did not rule out civil disobedience. TWaS understood that this involved challenging the idea of staying within the law, and

supportive of the EC

Conference voted for

HACKA

EAC

COE

NUT elections

Resounding victory

for STA in London

FOLLOWING internal

turmoil inside the NUT

in a year when the

'Broad Left' were more

intent on fighting the left

of the union than

fighting Baker, the two

STA nominees in Inner

London, Bernie Regan

and Betty Hunter, were

both elected to the

union's national ex-

ecutive.

By Ray Sirotkin

This is the first time that

the left has won both seats

in Inner London and means

that on the 47 seat executive

there wing

industrial action on number of issues, in each case large margins against the advice of the

However, the EC did successfully defeat the proposal to hold a ballot of the membership on the Labour Party leadership. The EC, which has already nominated Kin nock and Halot sley, sal by 100,000 Hattersley, defeated to 60,000 on a card vote.

A proposal to endorse 'compulsory arbitration' deals was also endorsed bv conference, atter luttin had been forced to withdraw explicit reference to 'no-strike deals.

Conference reaffirmed

an urgent necessiv for all communications workers, supported by both left and right. These discussions are now being extended to SOGAT and other media and communications unions.

On international questions the conference initiated an important discussion on Palesune Kesor tions supporting Palestinian sent-determination and

Palestinian state were defeated after Tony Clarke equated them with antisemitism but the minority support for the Palestinians marked another step forward for the left.

The Broad Left had a good conference with supporters playing a key role in many debates. Eric Heffer addressed meeting

further meeting on P&O was attended by 60. The journal of the Broad Lef sold well.

Following conterenci the AGM of the Broad Left takes place on 3 July. BAKER

members, mainly from the

STA

This success in Inner

London was despite the

arty tricks of tne nanonal

officers who put two Broad

Lett members on the ballot

even though they

were not nominated by ans

branch.

This result contradicts

the 'new realist' drift of the

Jarvis-McAvoy leadership

which denies that there is

any future in strategies

waen coure au achon.

With a special •con-

ference imminent this result

demonstrates that the

membership will vote for an

alternative when one is of-

fered. In Inner London this

was proved decisively so.

that the split itself.

In the last two years the EETPU leadership has conducted an exercise in brinkmanship in its relations with the TUC. However dispute over single union deals and encroachment by the EETPU on areas of recruitment of other unions there is little space for bluft.

By Jude Woodward

In the confrontation with the AEU over the acceptance of government money for ballots, despite the union's breach of the united front against Thatcher's interference in the unions, it was never serious-

posed Inal TUC would split over this issue.

The dispute with the EETPU over Wapping was tar more senous Howeve

he immense unpopularity or tne EETPU's actions forced a limited retreat by the union leadership.

However Wapping did force the TUC to stand up to the EETPU leadership and posed the necessity of a future split, which had clearly embarked on course ot controntallor with the rest of the trade

The current issues of dispute on single union and no-strike deals involve matters of central trade union principle, however what has

provoked the crisi in the

rUC is unfortunatel

le principles involved b

le brea and butter of other TUC affiliated unions - their membership and ability to recruit.

Flashlight, the organiCEDe EETPU, has correctly pointed out that the dispute

is not about single-union

such, but about the attack by the EETPU on other unions.

The EETPU and the TUC

No backing down

THE potential split of the EETPU from the TUC would be the first significant split in the TUC since it was founded over 100 years ago. However the issues involved in the dispute with the EETPU leadership are so important that if they are not faced up to this would inflict far more damage on the trade union movement

The core of the matter is behind the Bridlington

regard the direct poaching of other unions' members but in new sites.

The EETPU leadership's current policies are a systematic development of those it has been pursuing since the end of the 1960s, when the current EETPU leadership took control following the ballot rigging scandal which destroyed the union's old CP leadership.

Its main membership base was in the electrica contracting industry. policies today, of outrigh and frontal attack on other unions, developed out of the policy it pursued in the electrical contracting industry throughout the 70s.

Militancy

In conjunction with the electrical industry employers, the leadership set itself to bring 'order to an industry tha had a particularly high leve of industrial militancy and a high rate of unofficial strikes and walk-outs. It was also about the best organised sector of the contracting noustres.

The mechanism for this was the 1968 Joint Industry Board agreement whereby UnC worked with management to prevent unofficial strikes The smashing of the left in the union through the early 70s achieved this goal, but not without an enormous cost to the union's membershin levels in this its largest SCCLO!

Management protected the union's and its own interests by introducing check-off where the employer paid union subs automatically to the EET-

Eric Hammond

PU. The quid pro quo was that the EETPU introduced more on site full-time officials to 'police' the larger sites; in 1979 it introduced the infamous private health accueil in 1983 it in-

prentice rates by 3u pp-

prentice rates per cent; and most recently has accepted self-employed working at the employers insistence.

Again this has had a further impact on membership forcing the union to look tor orner areas recruitment. The introducnon or new iconology i the print industry similarly cut into some of the most industrially powerful sec LOIS the EETPU'S membership.

Response

Wapping presents the clearest examole of Ham mond's strategy in response ROTS -favorable deals with the emplovers to cut out other unions, and secure exclusive membership and negotiating rights.

This solves the short-term membership problems of the EETPU, but from an overai pomt or view nas a devastating impact UnOn membership as a whole. High drop out rates and low levels of union membership are now emerging as the common pattern from plants which

have hard-hitting Japanese style single union no-strike deals.

For example at the new

Nissan plant in the North-

east, where the AEU con

cluded a single-union no-strike deal, unionisation is now agreed to be at only ? per cent.

Aside from the principle

of no-strike

themse ves. it is becoming

increasingly clear that the

no-strike

agreements legitimise de

facto virtually non-union

plants.

The debate in

unions over EETPU-style

deals has centred on how to

million in union member-

end of the

70s. Hammond's claim that

the single union no-strike

deal is the answer is ringing

increasingly hollow,

from the narrow point of

view of maintaining union

membership.

Socialist Action Secondly however order to maintain its own

LAC EETPU leadership is increasingly entering into direct com. petition with other unions in areas not traditionally organised by the EETPU By offering the most tavourable dea employers, regardless of the employees IULCICSES EETPU leadership has attempied to cut out oiner unions.

For example the EETPU directly interfered in the rail unions normal sphere ot intluence in negotiate a single-union, no-strike deal Docklands Light Railway. The current blow-up is over the Hammond's attempt to cut out the TGWU at Orion in South Wales

It is this aspect that is causing the crisis in the relations between the EETPU leadership and the TUC While the left unions have maintained a principled opposition to no-strike deals as such, even centre unions like the GMB have come out in qualified support of some no-strike deals.

It is not the principles of trade unionism and the detence of workers interests which is forcing the showon Cown octween me cane the Hammond, but the straightforward, corporate conflict of interest between unions strategies and maintenance of membership levels.

Expulsion

The TUC now faces no option, it must stand up to Hammond, including

expelling union. And it appears tha this is now on the agenda

A series of unions, indeals cluding the UCW, NALGC as well as print unions and those affected by the latest of Hammond's deals, have

said the union must abide by TUC rules or be expelled. Only if Hamthe mond and the union leadership were prepared to submit to a total climbdown and state their willingness to abide by TUC rules, incluaing on une two acais they have been asked

should allowed to stay even Hammond's announce ment of a ballot of the membership essentially on the union's relations to the

July 1988 TUC has thrown down gauntlet. If the TUC ba off this time in order keep the EETPU TUC will allow membership war to b out between TUC affili unions, with competitio offer the most favorable deal, the driving down membership levels ac industry For the sake of the f ciples involved the must not back off. unions, including the R A number and the ABU, have alre given the cold shoulde the Hammond's proposa establish a new trade ur Centre likely to work closely au serre caucis! side the TUC is the U and this alliance is harc threat to the other unio! the TUC

Outside the TUC EETPU would unrestricted poaching ( members, and would its membership to

Street electricians were prevented from leavin EETPU to join SOGA the thes Briding of

Brie Tưn

Outside the would not protect the i PU leadership

Principle

If Hammond refus back down the only co is for the EETPU to b pelled from the TUC every member of the u to be encouraged to l propriate cher and join

affili union and for the unic be disaffiliated from Labour Party so it hi political voice for its union policy in the la movement.

The best defence ti of the unity of the la movement. tor the del of the basic principle trade unionism. and protection of workers

hole range of indus

or the EETPU lead to be forced to toe the or tor te ower unio to combine to inflict the i be leadership and policy v is threatening to drive c union membership undermine workers rights.

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backlash

THE REPORT conducted by the McDonald Inquiry team into the racist killing of schoolboy Ahmed Ullah in 1986 at Burnage High School has prompted the biggest press response on any education inquiry for years. Even before the report was published, Manchester city council had become the subject of widespread notoriety through its refusal to publish the full version because parts of it were held to be libellous.

The findings of the report prompted hysterical campaign, led by the Manchester Evening News and soon taken up in the pages of much of the general press, against the anti-racist education policies championed by the GLC and ILEA and followed by authorities such as Manchester.

By Mike Wongsam

Indeed, despite whatever good intentions the authors of the report may have had, it is now being used as the rallying cry of those who seek an opportunity to further roll back the ideological conquests made by the left during the last decade.

Yet, the report starts by stating the actuality of racism as it is institutiona lised the education

sy lays the blame for the

• lays the blame for the slaying of Ahmen Ullah at the feet of that racism. Its problem however starts from the identification of the causes of tension that existed in the school, in the existence of anti-racist policies, and une wa) which they were carried out. Racism

From the report, 35 per cent of the student population was black, while 2 per was black. The report was black. chronicles a catalogue of incidents of racial harassment both in the school and in the neighbourhood of the school. Moreover, elaborates particular

behind the peculiarly severe racial tensions that existed.

Because is 1982 reorganisation 1982 didn't affect Burnage, and hence there was no curriculum review, and because this meant that a very large

proportion of the teaching

dent were from the pre-1982

ethos and prejudices among the teaching staff remained.

Decause Dulllage was a pir

ected school, the arrival o a new head team committed to implementing the coun cil's anti-racist policies met

with growing resistance.

In 1982, tollowing the

riots in Moss Side, the Man

chester Education Committee (MEC) called for all

educational institutions in the city to produce in-

dividual policies on racism although it did not issue any

guidelines, etc. Also, in

deter was cucuated

to all head teachers and

Dals on te Hollot

ing of racial tension, giving

guidelines on immediate ac-

tion to be taken.

A report in 1984 con-

cluded that the city council

had policies on

multicultural education,

Burnage —

the new white

but that schools were not really aware of the details and implications thereof.

proved the following statement: We are committed to the development of a programme of positive action in our education provision

tackle the under-achievement of women and girls, members of ethnic minorities, workine cas families and disabled peo ne Al our institutions wil oppose racism and sexism and should be multicultural and non-sexist In their practices

Also, in 1984, the coun cil agreed: The committee expect their employees to behave in a non-racist way towares me Duoic oue employees, and students. More than this. empiovee are encouraged to be critical and/or to help change institutional practices and procedures that work against equality. abuse, harrassment and discrimination is not acceptable. Employees must know that such behaviour will be subject to disciplinary action possibly leading to dismissal:

concludes that in fact, the implementation of the pollcy was hampered by bureaucratic procedures. however, to record is regre, The report on, that the issue COT clas discrimination was dropped by the counci. whereas the issues of race and sex were not. It cites this approach as the main reason for the fostering of division and the alienation of white males.

It is from this standpoint that the bourgeois press have plunged themselves into the tray. The report records that: Although we are critical of aspects of Manchester city's policies, we consider that their formulation and implementation has been an important and progressive step'.

Apologists

Yet it has become the

rallying call STOr apologists of racism precisely because of this counterposition between

race ane class — concretery.

because it objectively makes

concessions to a rew lacisi

theory, that of the white

blacklash.

John Lloyd, who has

been one of the clearest ex-

ponents of this approach

wrote the Financia

Times, 21 May,

liberals, who have 'salved

their consciences on race bi

favouring blacks over

whites

He praises the report for

prompting: a new debate

on racism. In its call for an

ending to a period in which

races use ds a weapon ol

guilt, for recognition that

where race can be all ou

pression, so too can poveralienation unemployment and

the white

blacks and whites in schools

stand eạch other without the ascription of blame ol original sin in these words, it may usher in a new order on how we address race?

Concretely, Lloyd's new order consists in the frontal allack on all poncies und adsince discrimination, notion DOSILVE whether explicit or implied that have the intention of installing real, as opposed to formal equality in socie

The counterpose the interests of the working class to the in terests of black people,

The reality is different, however. The fact that a working class school such as Burnage could have 35 per student population black, and Inose back workme cas students were subjected to

unacceptable level oi racism, is a class question Moreover. such matters ar becoming in the latter part of the twentieth century in Britain among the chief class questions.

Differential

John Lloyd talks about the 'oppression' of poverty, unemployment and alienation, without realising that among other things, the dir racism has resultec ferentially severe level of poverty, BCD OVCH and alienation of black peo The 1984 Labour Force Survey gave an overall rate of unemployment of 11.1 percent, comprising 10.6

le and 204r cent,

and 20.4 per cent, ie double, among black peo ple. This differential level of unemployment, and the resulting poverty and alienation, is entirely due to the accumulated effects of racism, and clearly, because many of the anti-racist , policies were stimulated by the events of 1981 and 1985 in the inner cities. black people demonstrably not wait until the white

its peckishness before do-

something about its own starvation.

Lloyd wants to prepare

the ground in order to rol

back the progress mad race policy to the pre-GLC

ILEA, etc 'new left' era, by making ideological inroads into some of the left's most profound proglallal

PLAYGROUN

conquests. The left theretore needs to reassert some fundamental princi pies, Hatc

• he material deter. minants of racism are located In the historic defeat of black people with the onset of world capitalis development. • The historic defeat of black people has resulted in black nations existing in an unequal relationship with white imperialist nations ir -USC and black communities suffering material disadvantages in the imperialist countries themselves. • The elimination racism must be based on the equalising of the economic relation between the black nations and imperialism or the one and the elimination of social dil. ferentials between black population white populations in the imperialist countries on the other. • This elimination of racism is a conscious act which must be carried out by nations at the level of state institutions first and toremost. his implies thi adoption positive policies, which Incal prioritisations, at the level ot resource allocation concretely, black people must receive, and cannot avoid being seen to receive a bigger slice of the cake. • The working class in the imperialist countries must realise that the most power ful alliance that it can make with those nations that exist in an unequal relation to its own imperialist economy and with those communities with the least stake in the existing order in their own countries. words, the best way to pursue selfishly its own goals is not to protect its social advantages over black com munities and semi-colonial working classes, but to ac tively promote the elimina tion of these differentials against the interests of its own bourgeoisies

Clearly, those sections of the

modate to the 'white

backlash' by arguing that positive discrimination, and hence logically, anti-racism the more, is emine are

word. is divisive, are really exhibiting a backward sectarianism which will advance consciousness of the white working class oy not even one men

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