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Newspapers of the International Marxist Group and its forerunners, 1968–1988

Socialist Challenge No. 135, 21 February 1980

Socialist Challenge · 21 February 1980 · 16 pages, 21,386 words read by machine

The scan: sc-n135-feb-21-1980.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive)

Uncorrected machine reading of the whole issue. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from the scan and has not been corrected or cut into articles. Each page gives the headlines first, then the columns in order, so one article runs on into the next. Expect misread words. Use it to find things; quote from the scan.

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Socialist Challens TUC CALLS 9 MARCH

AGAINST PRIOR'S LAWS JOIN THE PICKETS JOIN THE MARCH JOIN THE STRIKE

SUPPORT THE STEEL STRIKE

THE Tories are shaken. They have been shaken militancy of the steel strikers.

Shaken as well by solidarity shown to strikers by workers all over the country; by those like miners who have joined them on the picket line; by transport and dock who have refused to handle scab steel.

The result? First, steelworkers have victory in their sights. The leadership of the Iron and Steel Trades Confederation still

about settlement, but the cry from picket line after picket line is clear, simple and without any hint of concession

"20 per cent, no strings'.

At the start of the strike that demand was almost a whisper, today Il Is a roar defiance against the steel bosses and the Tory government; a roar of warning to Bill Sirs and others in the ISTC who might be thinking of selling out.

Laws

Result number two is to found in the very heart of the Tory government, whose leaders now battling in public about just how the working class can controlled and whether the Tories' proposed union laws are tough enough.

The row between Chancellor of the Exchequer Geoffrey Howe and

by the

the

those

the

the workers

the

compromise a roar or

Industry Secretary Keith Joseph on the one hand Secretary Jim Prior on the other is not about whether the traditional be union rights of the working class should be attacked, but how they should be attacked.

Prior remembers

be most the Heath years and how the strength of the movement swept from the statute book the last attempts of a Tory government to savage union rights.

DEMONSTRATION

VICTORY! Steelworkers outside the Hadfields private steel plant when news came that the mass picket had won a walk-out by the workers inside.

and Employment LICaSUICS promise

better than disposal. trade one way misnamed

He wants to be a bit more subtle

this time, but his target is the same. As Thatcher said about Prior's

last weekend they very considerable restriction on the right to picket.

And that in a phrase is why these proposals have to be fought by every means at the trade unions?

The steelworkers have shown

by developing 'secondary picketing' into a campaign in itself and by

the type of

struggle she will face if she goes ahead with her plans to outlaw such effective picketing.

But exemplary as the action of rank and file steelworkers has been, it will not in itself be enough to smash Prior's plans. For that, fighting response from the entire working class is needed.

The first chance is on 9 March, when the TUC is organising a demonstration in London against Prior's Bill. That protest can be a start, and should be built for by every trade union militant. Memory

But again, one march on a Sunday afternoon in London won't by itself force the Tories to retreat.

Only when demonstration is followed by one on Monday, and then Tuesday and

Wednesday and Thursday, and then Friday - and every day of the week until the Tory offensive is smashed -Prior's law be no more than a bad

In other words organise for 9 March, but note well that tens of thousands of Welsh workers following the call of the Wales TUC by planning take general strike action the following day.

That is a lead that followed. Organise for 9 March, but organise demands to be shouted at the TUC leaders demonstration. One particular should be in the forefront

- a general strike against the Tory offensive.

TITO

STEEL

closures... pages 2, 4 and 5 ABORTION

choose.. page 6

to 10

IRELAND

has People... page 11 AFGHANISTAN The road to civil war... page 12 NICARAGUA

Sunday ...page 13

ZIMBABWE then

will Jim

of Socialist indefinite different from usual -

could be

paper have

that demand in the past week.

No.135 21 February 1980 20p

strikers price

THIS WEEK

The man who turned an imperialist war into one of socialist revolution... page 3

Holding out for 20 per cent and against the

Where should we go from the campaign against Corrie? On to a woman's right to

BLACK LIBERATION The 1.75m black people in Britain are chang ing the face of politics here. We examine the major task for socialists - helping to build a united black liberation movement... pages 7

Yet another of Britain's solutions to its war

passed away. Obituary of the Peace

Learning to spell 'revolution' and 'libera tion'. Nicaragua's mass literacy campaign.

As the British governor does his best to eliminate the whites' opponents, Zimbabwe lurches towards civil war... pages 14 and 16

This week's issue

READERS might note that this issue

Challenge bit we have more

feature material and less news than

normal. This is because most of us

who write, design and typeset the

been attending the of the

International Marxist Group during

A full report of the conference

will be in next week's issue.

Page 2 scan of this page

Socialist Challenge, 328/9 Upper St, London N1. Editorial: 01-359-8180/9. Distribution and advertising 01-359 8371. Steel troops without a general

OUR POLICIES

Capitalism is in crisis. The leaders

of the Labour Party and the trade unions offer solutions that are in the interests not of the workers but of the capitalist class.

Socialist Challenge believes that the two vital tasks confronting revolutionary socialists are:

• To build broad-based class struggle tendencies in opposition to class-collaborationism in the labour movement. These should be non-exclusive in character grouping together militants holding a wide range of political views.

• To begin to fight for the creation of unified democratic revolutionary socialist organisation which can, through an application of united front tactics, begin to be seen as an alternative by thousands workers engaged in struggles.

Such an organisation should be based on the understanding that:

1seeks seeks stole one fight on

The struggle for socialism

workers against the bosses with that of other oppressed layers of society - -women, black people,

struggling for their liberation. This socialism can only be achieved by creating new organs of power and defeating with all necessary means the power of the capitalist state. inite more democrate Our socialism

than what exists in Britain today. with full rights for all political parties and currents that do not take up arms against the

of socialism' in the USSR and Eastern Europe have discredited socialism in the eyes of millions of workers throughout the world. We are opposed to them and will offer full support to all those fighting for socialist democracy.

The interests of workers and

on a world scale. Capitalism has not only created a world market, it has created world politics. Thus we fight for working class unity on an international scale. This unity will in the long run be decisive in defeating both the imperialist regimes in the West and the brutal dictatorships they sustain in Latin America, Africa and Asia.

In Britain it implies demanding the immediate withdrawal of British troops from Ireland and letting the Irish people determine. their own future.

The Communist parties in Europe are in crisis. Neither the "Eurocommunist the pro-Moscow wings have any meaningful strategy for overthrow of the capitalist state. New revolutionary socialist parties are more necessary than ever before. Conditions today more favourable than over the preceding three decades. But such

be built by rejecting sectarianism and seeing internal democracy not as a luxury but as a vital necessity. This means the right to organise factions and tendencies.

If you agree with these principles and want to be involved activities by Socialist Challenge supporters in your area, fill in the form below and send it to us.

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Address. ocialist Challenge" 21 February 1980

EDITORIAL

considered 'wet" by his colleagues. The hawks' in

not go tar enough.

public on these proposals, now it appears peace has

been restored and an agreed package will soon see

the light of day. The Fleet Street press is divided on

whether the 'hawks' or 'doves'

debate. But we should be clear on one thing —

whoever won, trade unionists were the losers. and

described how doveish' the 'doves' are:

of on secondary picketing,

could swiftly find himself in jail.

Immunity

It seems that the

refuses to handle "blacked' goods, By Geoffrey Sheridan IT IS unlikely that the miners in South Wales will wait until 10 March the date set for the Welsh general strike - to begin all-out action over jobs.

South Wales NUM is to hold a special area conference on 20 February to consider whether to begin strike action on Monday next, February.

The reason for the conference is a decision by the Port Talbot strike committee that there should be no return to work at the steel plant until they are given job security.

Conference

Last weekend the Llanwern strike committee urged that jobs should be made an issue in the steel strike. This nor means it is likely conference will the recommendation from their executive tat a South Wales should begin on 25 February.

Twenty thousand steelworkers at Port Talbot and Llanwern redundancy in the cutbacks proposed by the Steel Corporation, would lead to the loss of 15-16,000 jobs in the local coal industry

We've been pressurised by our own members to press action, says Don Hayward, South Wales NUM's administration officer. 'Our task is to join the steelworkers. We can't wait until 10 March. in This determination to ensure that action over jobs is coupled with the present steel strike will be bad news for the TUC, which has been doing its best to delay general strike in Wales.

Decimation

Having already postponement from the original date

mid-January, TUC secretary Len Murray persuading his counterpart Wales TUC George Wright, that the problem of the decimation of jobs and communities should be left to negotiations with the government.

Last week's hint by Sir Geoffrey Howe, Chancellor of the Exchequer, that the government might be willing Page 2

IT SEEMS the Tories' Employment Secretary is

the cabinet led by Keith Joseph and Geoffrey Howe believe his proposals on shackling trade unions do

For weeks now the Tories have been arguing in

won the cabinet

This is evident from what the right wing Daily Telegraph's editorial said last Wednesday which

Mr Prior has frequently asserted that the Employment Bill already contains drastic restraints

and he is right. The secondary picket who defied a court order to desist

Such, in a sentence, is the meaning of Prior's proposals. The lifting of legal immunity on what the Tories define as 'secondary pickets' will mean, inevitably, that trades unionists will end up in jail. like?

secondary pickets category is now to be extended to include any worker who

Welsh miners

to vote on

all-out action

to speak to the TUB about the steel corporation's plans was greeted by Len Murray with the announcement that he took such moves seriously Murray Wales TUC to call off its conference scheduled for 27 February, at which plans for the general strike are to be discussed.

their action on 25 February, Murray and the Wales TUC leadership will have their time cut out trying to restrain other workers from joining

•We will be calling on all other unions to back the action by the steelworkers and miners', says Don Haywood.

that the miners' have

miners' strike

face

and this

for strike indefinitely the

secured

general has been the

Extending the attack on unions, Thatcher

announced at the end of last week that the

government plans to reduce strikers social security

payments by the amount they would be 'deemed' to

have been paid out of union funds. Only last month

Thatcher was declaring that such a policy would be

"very, very difficult to implement. Indeed even

Keith Joseph was against such a scheme in 1971

when in a Heath cabinet diseussion he was reported

to have said, 'Beware, we shall have the television

hunting hungry families'.

If such proposals are spearheading the biggest

attack on trade union rights since the start of the

century, it is some comfort that they are being

launched by a government which looks neither so

secure nor so confident as it did a couple of

months ago. The public divisions, the changes of

policy, the hesitation in carrying them out hardly

the 'smack of firm

associated with the Tories.

Credit for this lies overwhelmingly with the steel

strikers. At the start of the year they were seen as

easy piekings by the Tories.

colleagues must now be wondering whether if these

are 'easy' pickings, what will the difficult ones look

The damage the steel strikers have inflicted on

the Tories they have done largely at a rank and file

level. Bill Sirs, the union's general secretary, must

Trades Councils.

of NALGO demonstration.

immediately asked the

If the South Wales miners begin

factory.

SHRESTRENGI

SIDER LYNE DISTRICT

SOLIDARITY with the steel and British Leyland workers were among the themes of the anti-Tory march in

case of all troops and no general.

last few

working day would have. government Militancy

Thatcher and her

other

opportune as well.

TEN THOUSAND CALL

FOR MAGGIE OUT

'MAGGIE OUT was the most popular chant of nearly ten thousand people who took to the streets of three cities on Monday to oppose the Tories' cuts.

Sheffield saw its largest demonstration since the war when 5,000 marched to the city-centre in response to a call from South Yorkshire Association of

Members of the local government union, NAIGO formed the largest confingent, and they marched with other public sector workers, miners, engineering workers, the Eire Brigades Union, and steel strikers. A delegation

members from Lambeth in South, London joined the

Altliough a majority of workers in 14 engineering factories in Sheffield had voted for a day's stoppage, a meeting of AUEW convenors decided last week that there was not sufficient support to call a one-day strike. The farn-out on Monday, however, showed the strength of opposition to the savaging of the

In Manchester, some 3,000 trades unionists, students, and pensioners joined the march led by the Confederation of Shipbuilding and Engineering Unions, and in Liverpool 1,200 demonstrated against unemployment. Among them were Meccano workers who have occupied against the closure of their

Speakers at a rally in Manchester, who included Tony Benn, urged support for the TUC demonstration on 9 May against Prior's anti-union laws, and a resolution urged the TUC to make its 14 May day of action a national strike.

There was loud applause for Brian Molyneaux, from the South Yorkshire steel strike committee, when he invited all those at the rally to join a mass picket of Manchester Steel on Wednesday.

Manchester on Monday

be as surprised as Thatcher at the militancy of his union members. Certainly he has done his best to curb it: first by instructing that Denning must be obeyed, then by suggesting there should be no picketing of private steel, even after Denning was overturned, finally by entering into talks with the steel bosses until his negotiating committee forced him to walk out. The steel strike has been a

The same thing can be said for trade union movement as a whole. The role of the TUC in the

months has been negligible. A few occasional warnings to the government is all its resistance has amounted to. True, they have called a national demonstration against Prior for 9 March, but that being a Sunday it will have nothing like the effect a national demonstration during a

Whafall this amounts to, and what needs to be argued now on the factory floor, in offices, at trade union branches, is that both because of the government's weakness and because of the militaney shown by hundreds of thousands of workers in the steel strike, in South Wales and in

areas and industries, is that a full-scale TUC-led offensive is not only necessary, but it is

Photo: Morning Star

Page 3 scan of this page

TITO'S ACHIEVEMENT

TITO in Moscow, 1945..

By Michele Lee JOSIP Broz-Tito was on his

deathbed in Ljubljana,

main town of Slovenia, as we went to press.

Born into a poor peasant family in 1892 in northern Croatia, then part of the Austro-Hungarian empire, Tito became a metal worker and in 1914 was drafted into the Imperial army. As a prisoner witnessed the October Revolution, and in 1919 returned created state OI committed communist.

1920, in the first elections, the young Communist Party (YCP) emerged as the third strongest party and claimed over 80,000 members. afterwards, however, it was banned and driven underground in a red scare of continent-wide dimensions fuelled by the generalised unrest of DUSL-Wall Europe and Yugoslav case, the revolution of 1919.

The ban was never lifted, and the party declined, its leaders imprisoned or exiled. Outsider

An outsider to the intense inner-party conflicts of the '20s and '30s, Tito was appointed party secretary in 1938 after the almost total physical elimination of the existing leadership in the Great Purges. His return to Yugoslavia in 1939 was followed by a growth of party membership about 3,000 in 1939 to about 12,000 in 1941.

In the ensuing years, Tito and his hand-picked Central (most of whom were some twenty

of socialist revolution. the

guerrilla against Franco.

Breach of war he

It became to the newly Yugoslavia

could

popular

Yugoslav

La moment (the Shortly

OLIC the

in the Hungarian

Yugoslav killed, other Communist parties

At one

'road to socialism'.

trom

market elements into

Committee

SLaLC

years younger than him) succeeded in turning the imperialist war into one

By 1945 the role. partisan army was 250,000 strong and in virtual control of the country. An important contribution to its military which victory was made by veterans of the Spanish Civil War who learnt the art and

warfare in the fight

increasingly clear, however, that the Soviet leadership

not tolerate an independent state within its "bloc'. In 1948, grave economic and political provocations. by Moscow led to an open breach.

difficult personal whole suffered in first including Tito himself, suffered those months a series of neurotically induced illnesses) and a dangerous

revolution. Having entered the war under the banner not only of national liberation, but also

Of defence of the Soviet And inste

leadership found must suddenly isolated and boycotted by

and states, at a time when the Cold War was freezing international relations. vision

time Stalin seriously contemplated invasion of the country in order to replace 'the Tito clique" But the Yugoslav regime passed this test of its popularity with enhanced prestige and embarked on a distinct (self-management) was accompanied certain devolution of power by the progressive introduction of

the hitherto the centralised economy. The centralised

vas weakened in tavou of republican centres and a re-definitior include

of the role of the party emphasised its spiritual rather than administrative

Yugoslavia also helped promote a 'non-aligned' movement,

gave it TOOH manoeuvre between the Soviet Union

the West. Although involved in all major policy decisions, Tito always had a preference for foreign affairs, which he conducted through frequent travel abroad.

At the same time he remained emotionally tied to the first land of socialism', which like so other militants of his generation — he had learnt in his young days to revolution. (in this he defered from identify with cause Mao and Castro, for example,

visited Moscow only establishing themselves as supreme political leaders in their countries.) Equality

Any review of Tito's leade

give a special place solution of the country's na question. The Yugoslav revo was successful because it offe

of Yugoslavia base equality of all its peoples. In s te of the revival of nationalist sent..nents in the early 1970s, the fact remains that no ethnic unit can be said to be oppressed with the exception of the large Albanian

th car, goslav , more optimistic days, both the CP and Comintern foresaw the division

Albanian and Macedonian nations being healed by the creation of a Balkan federation, which was to

Yugoslavia, Albania,

Bulgaria and hopefully Greece. This plan was dropped, however, in the face of British and Russian hostility.

to

Product

to

deeply Yugoslav leadership must centre on

the questions of internal democracy, economic planning, internationalism. deformations present in the Yugoslav revolution were a much of Tito's mistakes many Stalinist degeneration of the October

Revolution In replaced the perspective of world world revolution by the monstrous theory

of socialism in one country who The Yugoslavs carried through after their socialist revolution because they

did not accept the own theory; but

itself subsequently, above all after their break with Moscow.

Ever since then, economic and political insecurity has -hip continued to the from its original onal tion alignment' capital. The has often in policy

ed mea.it tactical accommodation with

on

imperialism and collaboration with reactionary feudal regimes, and a sacrifice of proletarian internationalism to possible interests of the Yugoslav state. Passivity Historically, the emergence of a the workers state

of decisively dependent

consolidation of the feature quite typical of proletariar revolutions in the 20th century In 35 years, the working class has

grown

A revolutionary critique of the

and proletarian

But the Yugoslavia

product not So light of

as of the politics.

USSR which

development,

logic of that this fact. it nevertheless asserted Positive

the country's

positive contribution exact a further price working

revolutionary victory,

of 'nonpractice Cuba) that the

or bourgeois

era. the short-term It

Europe

SUCCESS developed militants Yugoslavia was and

on the prior and

YCP achievements, pressing working political stage.

from numerically and economically (though not politically) small minority to a position absolute social dominance. Yet at the same time it has been characterised by a deep political passivity, while an ossified and bureaucratic structure commands the political life of the country in its name.

The original Maoist charges that

was reverting capitalism look a bit thin in the neon

contemporary Chinese Yet there is no doubt that market forces have been allowed far too much freedom: uneven regional

neglected infra. structure, large-scale unemployment and emigration, as well as the return

old-style nationalism into Yugoslav political life all testify to

History will pass a critical but

judgement on Tito's to the international class movement. By the Yugoslav revolution confirmed (like those that came afte it in Albania, China, Vietnam and

Russian revolutior was no historical accident, but the beginning of the end of the capitalist

furthermore showed that was ASTERNE tc revolutionary success. even if this

had eluded its more regions. Revolutionary should support the unity independence of Yugoslavia defend its revolutionary while all the time for the return of the class to the centre of its

Socialist Challenge 21 February 1980, Page 3

Page 4 scan of this page

Is Bill Sirs losing his grip?

PICKETPOWER VICTORY

By Valerie Coultas

IT'S NOT only the Tories who are shocked by the militancy of the steel strikers. The steel union leaders themselves are reeling under the strain.

Steelworkers, looked upon as trade unionists, the power and initiative of the working class in action.

In Sheffield, miners, and steelworkers last threatened a Saltley-gate style mass picket to put a stop to management's campaign at the Hadfields private steel firm to get the workers to scab on the strike.

In Scotland, at Sheerness Steel, mass picketing also took place to convince private sector workers not to scab. Strike leaders on Teesside have been discussing support action witn oter unions in mel ared.

Miners in Yorkshire

By a Sheffield engineering worker

MASS pickets showed their power by forcing the closure Lonrho's Sheffield steel firm, Friday.

Arthur Scargill led 300 miners to join 1,200 steel and workers who then threatened storIl une gales or me cast riecra plant unless the plant was closed. Earlier that morning 600 police had forced 'back to work' ISTC members through the picket.

COSuC marks

victory for the steel strike. Norton, the manager of Hadfields, had received

La secrel from Bill Sirs, ISTC secretary. This gave the Hadfield's management the go-ahead organise a mass meeting. collaboration of right Socialist Challenge 21 February 1980 • Page 4

considering workers to join

prospect of a three-day week.

The rank and file in

previously "moderate have shown

because he

engineers to work.

week Keith Jones, expressed the Sheffield STEIKAS

union

rank and

are convenor, trom 6 other

of Hadfields,

cover the event.

The Tories between the

CIHECCNY

to the craft workers'

that only total

winning the strike.

Derek

dispensation Snetite a

general After throughout the to

with the By

wing ISTC

requests from steel the picket lines.

Dockworkers in Sunderland face the

steel strike is reaching a crucial stage.

the steel unions are clearly making the running in the strike. The Rotherham strike committee has even called for Sirs, general secretary of the Iron and he Steel Trades Confederation, to resign

tried give 'dispensation' to Hadfields to return

WOHIOG an ISTC official, feelings of the when said: 'Having won the legal battle in the House of Lords it was ludicrous to allow workers in the private sector to weaken the strike at a crucial time.*

priding Tse T on its ledaers moderation is facing a revolt from its

file which threatens to permanently transform the balance of Porkshire strikers have set the pace the union. The South

Mick Adams. Observers private plants were invited to this meeting and press and television were given every tacility to

hoped that divisions privalc and public strike. sector, and any sell-out negotiated by

leaders would smash the strike. They were wrong.

BSC strikers are now convinced stoppage movement of steel can lay the basis of

The next step is rank and file control of the dispute through a national strike committee strike. which is being pushed by militants in

AOTaOR 45 ZETCSLS week, the picket became more and more of a focus

Thursday there 1,500 trade unionists outside Hadfield's

throughout the strike.

But what about the man at the centre of the dispute, Bill Sirs? The cumnonaran uron tedocr wno ukes to run a tight ship' seems to be losing his grip.

Sirs, former Hartlepool butcher's boy, no doubt considers he has made good. One of a family of ten

was farmed out to grandmother until he was 14 to 'stop the means test man taking money off my father's unemployment allo-

He started working in steel after being on the dole for a number of years. He told the Sunday Times it was 'one thing my father did for me'.

Today Bill Sirs lives in a fine house in Hatfield part of London's commuter belt; hobnobs with TUC

and top politicians; smart suits and is driven around by his chauffeur in a Rover 3500. He is also a fitness freak and has managed to find time during the steel strike to play squash with a top steel civil servant. East Hecla plant. Brown Barclays, the other Hadfields plant that has not received so much press attention, was already out again by that time.

Eventually the East workers took the hint and voted to

The events at Hadfields have posed the trade union movement in Sheffield some problems that need to be tackled head-on

No. 28 Confederation of the Shipbuilding and Engineering Unions will need give a clear lead to overcome the divisions between the public and private sector in the steel

Private sector workers need to be motivated not only by calls for solidarity but also by a view of what the future of the steel industry is as a whole in Britain.

The unions need an offensive strategy. Jobs can be saved through

Despite being reduced to tears by the solidarity of Welsh miners and steelworkers during the one-day all-out strike, and saying he would go to a BeCCu BIDIS HOS HOLOs

his sympathy for management. In the tradition of steel union bosses, prides himself on the principle that what is good for the company is good his for the workers.

Sympathy

Talking to the Sunday Times, he expressed management. getting low wages, just won't care Managers will have no control over them. problem is work discipline rather than the poor living Wedrs MICmOCIS

Bill, Joseph is a nice man in his way very responsible union leader. magistrate he was in a particularly sticky position worksharing. Private company books should available to workers

to develon Heclas nationalisation of the entire industry rather than allow Villiers and Derek Norton to dictate sackings when and where they choose.

In Wales solidarity has given a massive boos to the steelstrikers in both public and private sector. Throughout the length and breadth of Britain that solidarity will be crucial if the steel strike is to remain solid and be brought to a successful conclusion.

The Tories are not the invincible force they appear to be. Class-wide actions, such as those at Hadfields CeOIsLaLc the organised labour - Britain.

That power must be backed by

private

The and

bourgeois

men.

sympathy Men in the industry him.

For the steel union leader, the

standards of his

steelworkers who thinks that "Sir Keith

is a As a be ready to law throne and public policies be made in the steel this world the case tor

building a and in Yorkshire defend

jobs.

barrage tomatoes and

arrived to

up a continuous hall demanding the 'Maggie powei movement in WItn Closure

intervened to try and prevent the

called out in sector being solidarity with BSC workers.

There are many excellent private companies and I felt a bit hurt that we had to bring them into the dispute he told one reporter. "Reasonable

responsible" working class leaders like Bill Sirs are courted by the

press, which loves to present the 'human' faces of such

While the pressure is on Sirs he Will be torced to some extent to blai the game to keep his ranks behind

But as soon as the pressure is released he will be running to the steel corporation bosses and the Tories to negotiate away jobs for a lousy pay

That's why Sheffield are right to call for a national strike committee that will place the struggle in the hands of the rank-and-file, and - if necessary

displace Sirs from his that can counter the paternalism of the Derek Nortons of

who pretend that the workers in the private sector have common interests with management and instead emphasise the common interests of all steelworkers have in

strong union that can both living standards and

OTTRE eggs, rotten flour bombs greeted BSC boss Sir Charles Villiers, as he

address a Middlesbrough on Thursday. Three hundred Teesside steel workers kept

chant outside the O20, er ce", an: and Out, Out, Delegations from plants threatened

-carrcu placaras- WELI 'Unite and fight for Consett".

Page 5 scan of this page

It'stime the TUC thought about it — they can't go on selling jobs forever

STRIKE NEWS

accept. The pickets outside had other ideas. THE BRITISH Steel Corporation and those union leaders who want to rush to a settlement - any settlement

- received yet another decisive slap in the face from steelworkers Thursday last week.

The 200-strong Coordinating Committee, representing the smaller craft unions involved in the steel strike, met in London and overwhelmingly rejected that their negotiators had the previous week.

A miserable 10 per cent on the basic and a blank cheque to sell jobs was the offer originally accepted by craft union leaders. But not for long!

WYN BEVAN, Union convenor at BSC Port Talbot,

Photo: P.M. Grant

ПИЕШ ENITY'S O STRENST CUNT CORPE DISTRICT OVER 500 angry craft workers in the steel industry gathered outside Congress House in London last Thursday to picket the meeting of the National Craft Coordinating Committee. The delegates to the NCCC had come to London to discuss the latest offer from BSC which union leaders had recommended they

The message to those talking inside was loud and clear: 'No sell out — no job loss', they chanted. If the delegates at the meeting had been in any doubt as to what union members thought of the offer they had no excuse once they

Steel craft union negotiations

Ine. mittee met last week.

National Craft

the offer CaLL through accepted streamlining operation. to 12,000 jobs at Port Llanwern. This

Port Talbot.

Electricians' MECCANO

SI PPORT

again. talked to Socialist Challenge before

National Coordinating Com-

6 Apart from the size of the

increase on the basic, which is only 10 per cent, the main thing that we are opposed to is the iniquitous clauses in the agreement which would allow the British Steel Corporation to

the whole its

This would include the loss of up

Talbot and would mean an immediate loss of 300 electricians at

This offer is an attempt to drive a wedge into the solidarity of the strike.

We have a unanimous mandate from

trade unionists.

ILL

arrived at Congress House.

our committee to use every means to

oppose this deal, reject

streamlining or slimming proposals

and to protect jobs

As far as we are concerned ans

agreement now reached with the BSC

must contain complete guarantees of

no redundancy and no job loss.

It's about time that the TUC stood

and thought. The unions can't go on

selling jobs. The TUC has a record of

doing this from the '20s onwards. We

cant't have it this time.

There will be a bus load

electricians going to London for the

TUC rally and march on 9 March.

There will also be a trainload of trade

unionists from the Swansea and Port

Talbot area. factory have been on strike for union recognition for several months.

been slow off the mark in organising support for the pickets. struggles was union solidarity.

DO 20% Wyn Bevan was outside Congress House, together with several coachloads

of other steelworkers from South Wales. He thought that the officers of the

NCCC should be forced to resign if they dared accept the offer.

But in the end there was no need for resignations or further anger. The

NCCC roundly rejected the offer by a majority of over 100, and made it quite

clear to BSC that they would need a lot more than 10 per cent to get them back

Of course we any unanimous support for the Welsh general strike March. They've tried to buy off the miners in South Wales with the new subsidy on coal imports. This, and the Development Agency, pathetic £48m for unions with cold comfort. CULCCELCO attempt We want a positive commitment from the Welsh and British TUC to of protect all jobs in industry. government want - which it unions and the T have got to stand and fight against this government all the way. CHIX WORKERS WILL WIN! OVER a hundred local trade unionists picketed the Chix sweet factory in Slough on Wednesday 13 February. The mainly Asian women workers at the

The dispute has won mass support from the Asian community of Slough, but the union concerned, the General and Municipal Werkers' Union, has

Jerry McMullen, GMWU regional officer, told pickets how management had been trying to farm out their distribution to other factories. These attempts had been stopped by flying pickets and solidarity action from fellow

A group of workers from the Meccano factory in Liverpool attended the picket. The Meccano factory is presently under occupation by the workforce which is determined to hold off management's plans for closure. Frank Bloor, GMWU convenor at Meccano, told the pickets that the key to victory in both

mittee

week steelworkers flagging. pickets Hadfields

Yorkshire, frustration.

Confederation

are giving scheduled for 10

the

the Welsh

part of a buy oft

of the appeal was:

street', he said.

If the won't give us what we won't - then the 77 days?

Cracks

showed widespread

the dilemma steelworkers engineers

finished products

movement

sectors.

Fighting

Whether

the Tory

and kicked out.

The

Socialist Challenge 21 February 1980

The nuts

and

bolts of

struggle

By Ron Thompson

Chairperson shop stewards com

Eclipse Tools, Sheffield

AS THE steel strike enters its eighth

the determination the no sign of But there are signs of

increasing anxiety about how long the

strike is taking to bite. The growing

dissatisfaction with the way the strike

is being conducted was expressed by

the South Yorkshire strike committee

when it passed a resolution of censure

against Bill Sirs last week.

The recent pitched battles between and police outside only express the

militancy of the steelworkers in South

but also express their

Frustration

That frustration was highlighted

at a recent meeting, about 200 strong,

of shop stewards and officials of the

of Shipbuilding and

Engineering Unions in Sheffield. An

appeal was made to the meeting b

Bernard Connolly, from the Nationa

Crafts Coordinating Committee of

steel industry, and backed by

Keith Jones of the ISTC, for the

Engineering Unions to step up thei

solidarity boycotts to cover all stee

products rather than just raw steel.

clear the engineering workers what the object

•We want to see you out on the The reaction of many of the engineering shop stewards was that this was an unrealistic demand. How could they ask their members to virtually lay themselves off within

The discussion which followed

signs OT cracks in the support which SECCI workers have been receiving since the beginning of the strike. It summed up

now facing they cannot win unless the strike begins to hit key sectors of manufacturing industry, at the same time they need the support of the very workers that will be thrown out of work by the strike!

The strike is at a crucial stage — it is now recognised by most workers that the steelworkers fight is a struggle against the Tory government. That recognition has to be turned into

Bernard Connolly's wish to see the

on the SUCCES go beyond a discussion about what are

and what constitutes raw steel, and become an explicit call for an all-out onslaught against the Tories. This is how the rank and file leadership of the working class

should motivate the spreading of the steel strike to other

nuts and bolts are finished products or raw steel does not matter. What does matter is that

government which the steelworkers are fighting is defeated

logical outcome of the extension of the steel strike to othe sectors of workers is a general strike The steelworkers should take the lead in raising precisely this call.

Page 5

Page 6 scan of this page

What next for the National Abortion Campaign NO COMPROMISES WITH CORRIE

SEXUAL POLITICS

BAD*% TASTE SY CORMAC THE CAMPAIGN Against Corrie started out with what looked like an impossible task. The Corrie Bill threatened to dismantle nearly all the gains of the '67 Abortion Act, and with a long session of Parliament allowing more time for debate, and an even larger anti-abortion majority than usual in the Commons it

DAVID STEEL, Gerald Vaughan (Minister of Health) and Stan Orme (shadow health spokesperson) have all come out in favour of a restriction of the '67 Abortion Act to bring in an upper time limit of 24 weeks. Even the 'prochoicers* in the House of Commons divided on this issue.

The National Abortion Campaign, which over the past five years has built a massive campaign in defence of the '67 Act, is opposed to any restrictions on a woman's choose.

We have to step up the campaign against all compromises. There is a danger that the sense of relief if Corrie's Bill as a whole is rejected may blind us to the necessity of fighting any restriction to the 67 Act.

Choice

NAC is the only section of the abortion movement which clearly stands restrictions on women's choice. It has plans for a Bill that really would embody a woman's right to choose - we should start campaigning for that kind of positive legislation as a counter to all talk of reducing time limits.

The National Abortion declaration of aims spells out the kind of things we are fighting for (as opposed to what we are fighting against): day-care abortion clinics, changes in the NHS, no time limits and so on. It explains NAC's positions and why it is vital that no compromises are accepted.

It is not just that Corrie must be stopped, nor simply that we must resist all attempts to reduce the time limits, but we have to take our

campaign forward towards winning legislation for a woman's right to choose. The dynamism of the campaign that has been built up against

Corrie should not be allowed to dissipate but be turned on to a more aggressive footing.

What are the steps towards achieving

positive campaign? Initially we

'women's right to choose' contingents on the

International Women's Day and May

demonstrations this year.

Conference

In the next two or three months NAC will be holding its national conference. For the last

few years the event has not been very well

attended, but this year there are enormous

possibilities to take the campaign forward.

Let's aim for a conference as big as in '76, with

at least a thousand people there.

Women's groups. students,

and community groups - all the people who

have actively campaigned against Corrie -

should be invited along to discuss and debate

the way to build a mass campaign around NAC

to win legislation for a women's right to

choose.

The Labour Party and the TUC are already

committed to 'free abortion on request'

now we have to encourage them to turn words

into action.

Socialist Challenge 21 February 1980

YOU ARE, OF COURSE, ENTITLED TO YOUR DISGUSTING VIEWS ABOUT YOUR SO-CALLED RIGHTS BUT DON'T FORGET THAT MANY, MANY FINE WOMEN VEHEMENTLY S

DIGAGREE WITH YOU!

are

right to for no

Campaign's

choice.'

If the Labour Party were to pledge itself to positive legislation in its next manifesto then our fight would be taken forward considerably. It wouldn't guarantee that Labour government would actually introduce such legislation, but it would strengthen the hand of the pro-choice movement. this The Labour Party conference next autumn

have still seems a long way off, but it is not too early

to start putting down Day constituency Labour Parties and trade union branches calling the amendments to the '67 Act that do get through and for a manifesto commitment to a woman's right to choose.

The main focus for the fight for positive legislation will be the conference on this subject that has been called for the autumn. We should fight for regional TUC conferences on positive legislation as part of the build up to the autumn conference trade unions The Campaign Against

holding a forum on 1 March to discuss the future of the fight against Corrie. CAC must obviously continue organising support against any restrictions to the '67 Act, explaining the importance of refusing all deals. broad forces that support CAC the role of NAC is continue position for no restrictions and to win people to the ongoing fight for a woman's right to

Page 6

looked unstoppable.

But now, eight months after the Bill first appeared in the Commons, success seems within our grasp. We haven't won yet - there are manoeuvres to win more time to discuss the Bill alongside talk of compromises from MPs on both sides of JUDE WATSON: "The coming months will make or break the mass campaign for women's

the next NAC.

resolutions

repeal of any

strength to win on their own. labour movement

Corrie will be build campaigns. dominated' trade unions.

Within the

to press for its own

I DON'T KNOW ABOUT YOU, SARAH, BUT I'M BEGINNING TO FIND THESE ANTI-ABORTION MARCHES A BIT OF A BORE! facing the abortion movement.

what the options are.

Such

and set up if

In

We want to win the masses of people who have campaigned against Corrie to the fight for positive legislation. We want them to join

Within the broad abortion movement there will always be differences about how to win abortion rights. NAC, though led by women, itself. has many male supporters and members, and the campaign has emphasised taking the issue declaration into the labour movement. NAC thinks that the most likely road to success is through the joint action of the women's movement and the labour movement on the abortion issue.

Women alone are certainly fearless fighters for their rights, but they do not have the

The politics behind such a strategy differs from that of some women who tried to storm Parliament on 8 February or those who seized the front of the demonstration on 28 October.

Not all the women who did these things saw it as a complete alternative strategy, but some sections do see direct confrontations with the police and spontaneous actions as the way to

The same people often disagree with forging alliances with the male

Fridays

NAC thinks that direct actions should complement the ongoing mass campaign, and that they are the exact opposite of 'doing your earth, own thing' in a way which cuts across the campaign in an undemocratic and confusing there!

the debate - but now is a good time to look ahead and examine the choices

JUDE WATSON, a member of the National Abortion Campaign steering committee and of the IMG, discusses

manner. Direct actions must be well planned and their timing decided in a democratic way or they end in unnecessary arrests, heavy fines and splits in the mass campaign.

spontaneous actions are alsc alienating for many women, especially those who may be on their very first political event

who are not prepared for physical confrontation with the police.

Many women who went to 'storm" Parliament on 8 February literally did not realise that the police would use force and violence to stop them getting in. We may think such violence is unjustified but it is how the police always behave — the women who led that escapade had a responsibility to warn the other woinen of what was likely to happen.

A further difference within the abortion campaign is over the role of illegal or 'selfhelp' abortion in fighting for a better law. Networks

Some sections of the women's movement are calling for illegal abortion networks to be

the Corrie Bill goes through. countries where abortion has been unavailable for years defying the law has proved useful in pressurising the state for abortion rights in law and practice.

Italy, the USA and France such networks have been used in this way, but Britain is in a different situation. Clandestine networks would be limited to women in the know' - probably white, middle class women in the women's movement. It would take years to establish a network with mass pressure and this should not be done at the expense of fighting for a law for all. However big it might become, such a network is not a solution in

NAC, on the other hand, should organise a of doctors and nurses who are

willing to break the law if the Bill is passed, and we should also be ready to defend any doctor or woman who is prosecuted for

performing an illegal abortion.

But NAC must urge the women's and labour movements to campaign together for

positive legislation. We must not end up with

the women's movement organising illegal abortions and the labour movement organising

The coming months will make or break the

mass campaign for women's choice. We have

to ensure that we take everyone who has

campaigned against Corrie into a campaign for a positive law.

Finally, on the Corrie Bill front there is

some bad news. It appears that a further three

may become available for discussion

of the Bill. But we are undaunted. Events will

begin at Lincoln's Inn Fields at 6pm ever

Friday until this Bill is wiped off the face of th

Watch the press or ring NAC (01-278

0153) for details. But most important - be

Page 7 scan of this page

THE STRUGGLE FOR BLACK LIBERATION

ideas

ABOUT 1.75 million black people live in Britain today. The vast majority either settled in Britain during the post-war period, or are descendants of those who did. changed the political face of Britain, and that process is continuing.

Treated as second class, citizens, people suffer oppression which is met with indifference and even condoned by the labour movement and its racist leaders.

When resisting the racists, black people have been forced to act independently of the

TO SAY how a united black liberation movement can be built in this country, we must first know what sort of movement we are trying to build. It must be independent black liberation movement.

Independent from what? independent of the state, for it is the imperialist British state which ensures that black people remain second class citizens.

Everywhere black people turn they meet racism from politicians, state officials, employers, trade union officials, from ordinary working class people at work and on the streets.

But racist ideology - the ideology which holds black and non-white peoples to be 'naturally inferior' to the white races — cannot simply be deteated through argument education, because it has material roots.

From its earliest days, the British capitalist class embraced racism. The early slave trade and the super-exploitation of slave labour in The American colomes provided capital for early industrial expansion in Britain.

This bloody trade in human beings was justified on the grounds that the African peoples were 'sub-human'.

ica and Asia, aires or the violent Africa and Ane British embrace of the Empire, brusn capitansmn win cheap labour and raw materials. It was justified by notions of the mother country civilsing unese chua-nke people living in the dark ages.

Divisions

Today the racists use identical arguments to justify Britain's imperialist role in Zimbabwe. They claim that the people of Zimbabwe 'need" the white settler minority.

Not only did racism serve to divide white British workers from the peoples of the colonial world, it also served to create divisions in the British working class itself.

The supel-pronts achieved by exploitation of the third world enabled the most organised and skilled workers lo considerable concessions from the capitalist class.

These workers began to see their future prosperity as oeing assured by continuing dominance as an imperialist power, cherishing their privileges against the unskilled

battle

They have

black an

First, and

violent furnished

British

win

and unorganised sections of the working class in Britain.

Britain's Since the Second World War, racism has

again well served the capitalist class; this time on British soil. In the 1950s and '60s, cheap

labour movement, relying only on themselves to begin their struggle for liberation.

Unlike large sections of the white working class, who have wrongly come to see their interests as lying in the continued prosperity of Britain as an imperialist nation, the black people living here strongly identify with the march of the third world against imperialism.

That is why no socialist can afford to ignore the struggles of black people decisive force for internationalism within the working class and will play a major role in

expanding social services.

place, the - they are a

in Britain. labour was required in the clothing metal production, and food industries, as well as the

The availability of one traditional section of the reserve army of labour - women -

breaking the hold of racism and national chauvinism among the white working class

At its conference which has just taken

International Marxist Group discussed how this new situation in British politics needs to be incorporated into our strategy for socialist revolution in Britain. On the following three pages we examine the major task which the IMG is setting itself in the course of elaborating that strategy - aiding in the building of a united black liberation movement

declined as white-collar employment rose and rationalised production involved shift overtime working, providing jobs for women Continued overleaf Socialist Challenge,, 21 February 1980 Page 7

Page 8 scan of this page

THE STRUGGLE FOR BLACK LIBERATION

Continued from Page 7

The capitalist class turned to the New Commonwealth' for its reserve army of labour. Racism again supplied the justification for the super-exploitation of immigrant Britain.

Discrimination in jobs, housing, education and the social services has ensured that black people remain ghettoised in the worst jobs. Living in the inner-city areas and industrial conurbations, escape the role of second class citizen allotted to them.

While the state itself discriminates against black people, it also resistance to racism.

State and police harassment under the guise of searching for illegal immigrants is used to intimidate and demoralise black people. denial of basic rights of appeal and legal aid to those picked up for deportation adds to the insecurity of black people.

The militancy of the youth is met by blanket police operations in black areas; in Southall, for example, when the Asian and West Indian community opposed a National Front meeting during the general election, and in Notting Hill during the annual carnival. And it is countered by the use of arbitrary laws such as Sus. Insults

The racist insults and violence which are an everyday occurrence in black people's lives are directly stimulated and encouraged by racist politicians and state officials.

For these reasons, therefore, we must reject any strategy for ending the oppression of black people which is based on an alliance with capitalist politicians and state would be to make an alliance of the oppressed and the oppressor.

Rather than looking to the capitalist parties for allies, black people in increasingly turned to organisations.

Despite the support for racist immigration controls by the Wilson ard Callaghan Labour governments; despite trade union support for tighter quotas for work permits in the catering industry and their acceptance of discrimination in jobs, black people have thrown their vote behind Labour, and the evidence suggests that

membership is higher workers than it is among whites.

A survey conducted by the Commission for Racial Equality 24 constituencies with population showed the following support for the Labour Party in the last general election: West Indians and Asians, 90 per cent; Asians, 86 per cent; and whites, 50 percent.

There can be unity between

and black people struggling to defeat a common enemy capitalist state which

of white oppression of black people.

It is this alliance which socialists must seek to create, and it can be done. But it will not come about while the white working class gives its support to the bourgeois state and opposes black people. Unity

To create unity in struggle it is necessary first to recognise the divisions which exist. Black people cannot hold back their struggles until the white workers understand the need for an alliance against a common enemy.

They have to begin to fight now on their

account. Only by confronting the labour demands for its active support in struggles, will a genuine unity be created.

Far from dividing white and black workers, as some socialists claim, movement independent of the white workers' organisations would create the best conditions for uniting black and revolutionary struggle. It will be black people themselves who lead the liberation, or there will be no liberation.

We can go further. As socialists we believe that only the overthrow of capitalism can begin to establish the conditions for defeating racism. Only when the material basis for destroyed the non-white peoples is ended finally possible to defeat racist ideology.

Only the capitalist

defends that system of

destroyed will black liberation be possible. The strides towards eradicating racism that have been made in Cuba are testimony to this.

But the black people of Britain will only be convinced that this is the case when they see that WOrKerS conditions on their liberation; that the labour

movement respects the right of black people to

determine their own tuture

themselves whether they wish to build a new

multi-national state

morNing class.

Socialist Challenge

WOrKeTS In

they have little opportunity to

acts to break their

The officials.

Britain have the workers' among black

parliamentary high non-white

the white of Britain the

-CHIS LICS both the

wOrKers and

doing that, and movement with those

La black liberation

white workers in a

fight for their

racism is - when imperialist exploitation of

will it be

which exploitation,

movement places no

atheir

and decide for

alongside the white

21 February 1980 Page 8

The labour movement must say to black people: "We will join with you in defeating our common enemy, the imperialist state, for that is the pre-condition for your and our liberation.

"We wish to create a workers' state with you so as to build a socialist society you wish to join with us in this must be your decision. We only ask that you judge us by how we act in the course of our alliance to defeat the common enemy.

Without black people having their own independent choosing their own route to liberation selecting their own leaders, it is not possible for them to determine their own future.

If a black liberation movement has to be independent of the imperialist state and its parties, and able to act independently without waiting for the labour movement, it must also be a united black liberation movement.

When black people came to Britain in large numbers after the war they brought with them

traditions, cultures, languages and even political formations.

The continued links of black people with their country of origin through their family, political organisations, and agencies, their tendency to be concentrated

AS.

BLAIR

•PEACH

FOUGHT THE

MNAZIS....

THE POLICE

MURDERED HIM

DISBAND THE SPG

together in

of these

but whether

the

deciding and

and

parties.

oppressed

religions, Commonwealth

Committee

government ume agam

SOUTHALL

NOMENS & GIRLE

MATIO

the inner-citv arreds necessity of collective self-help in the face of a hostile white society, all enabled the retention

national traditions despite the pressures of British society to abandon them.

This is most clearly revealed in the growth of welfare and political organisations of black people based on different national minorities

Indian Workers Association, Pakistani and Bangladeshi associations, Afro-Caribbean groupings. These reflect the divisions between the national minorities and within them, such as the split in the WAs along the line of the split in the Indian Communist

But in spite of these divisions between the national minorities, they suffer essentially the same oppression in British society - they are

black people. This increasingly led to the formation of political alliances between the different black peoples.

In 1961 this developed in opposition to the

Immigrants brought the formation of the Co-ordinating

Against Racial Discrimination.

Similar coalitions have been created time and

the most recent being the Campaign Against Racist Laws,

and the

growing

repatriation and citizens, the need for

minorities.

the

the

For Pakistani youth movements decade.

their own organisations.

has

people.

which

this page

All photos: G. M. COOKSON [Socialist Challenge]

With each new generation born in Britain. grouting y facing the clamour of the right for up as citizens of this country

treated as second class BaCK political unity against their oppression in Britain increasingly overrides the divisions between the national

One example is the formation of Asian Youth Movements - rather than, say, Indian

in the last

For this reason we are confident that it is possible to build a united black liberation movement; one based on united political action between the black peoples which respects the right of the various national minorities to retain

That political unity can be forged by united campaigns on the crucial issues confronting black people as black

The policies for which the IMG believes it is necessary to fight in order to build a united black liberation movement are presented on

The fight to build such a movement alsc necessitates the formation of a new leadership. In particular it will, require challenging the

Page 9 scan of this page

THE STRUGGLE FOR BLACK LIBERATION

Black people

mustbefree

to determine

their own

future through

their own

organisations.

The task of

revolutionary

socialists is to

unconditionally

defend that

right

strategy of the existing reformist black leaders. Their argument is essentially as follows:

Black people are only per percent of the population in Britain so they need allies. They must seek allies from the labour movement. especially the labour leaders. The latter cannot always be relied on, so we have to organise ourselves for mass action to pressurise these leaders and sometimes that will involve standing independent candidates to those of the Labour Party.

But we must not let that action go too far in case we frighten off the labour leaders altogether.

The concessions we expect from the labour leaders, the argument goes, are aimed at making discrimination illegal; stronger Race Relations Acts and greater involvement of the black leaders in policing those laws are needed.

SHOTE UNIS strategy

subordinates the struggle of black people to gaining an alliance with the leaders of the labour IT CHICHL with the objective reforming capitalism.

Increasingly, however, new activists has emerged among the black peoples; activists who reject this strategy. After seeing

the labour leaders promise a lot and deliver little, their silence on the Southall show trials, and their defending these activists consider that black people can no longer rely on such allies.

They are saying that black people must rely only on themselves; that they must decide on their own demands and objectives without tailoring them to labour leaders; and that they should go out and fight for these demands now

In the past this approach has been taken by organisations such as the RAAS and the Black Peoples Alliance. It has now stimulated those involved in the Asian youth movements and black women's groups, and it has led to the formation of committees which stand against racist violence.

It will be from these activists that a new and militant leadership for movement will come. To be able to win the support of the majority of black people they will need to offer a credible alternative to the strategy offered by the black reformist leaders.

There is a discernible among the present activists which correctly says that black people must organise themselves to fight, that they should not tailor their demands to suit the struggle is against imperialism, but this does not fully answer how a revolutionary alliance is to be built with the white workers.

While the struggles peoples of the world weaken and paralyse the imperialist ruling class

Britain, final imperialist British state can only be achieved by the black and white working class in Britain itself.

White

It is not enough to say that black people will struggle on their own account and then see who supports them - they have to go out and fight for that support, to win the white workers away from their present racist leaders.

The task of socialists in fighting to build a black liberation movement is to show how a genuine unity with the white workers can be forged; to show how it is possible for the black peoples to fight for united action with the abour leaders at the same time as seeking to win their followers among the white workers to giving active support objectives of the black movement

As the next steps towards building a black liberation movement, the IMG must fight for the following:

First, to unite the black peoples as a whole in action. The broadest possible mobilisations of black people can only be overcoming the divisions between the national minorities, and through a consistent struggle to force the reformist leaders into action.

This has been most successfully achieved around specific cases in a number of localities, leading to une creation committees - the Ahmed defence committee ALCHISE campaign in Oldham against the deportation of police victimisation,

Abdul Azad, the campaign against racism in nightclubs in Birmingham.

Even where it is not possible to force the reformist leaders into united defence bodies of this kind, a consistent fight for joint actions such as demonstrations and necessary, as nas Newham Defence Committee.

Self-organisation

Secondly, these campaigns should aim to increase political organisation among black people in a struggle for liberation.

This requires moving beyond the limited welfare, social, and organisations which currently exist, towards organisations which can involve the mass of black people in a day-to-day way — at work, in the unions, and cultural institutions, and as tenants.

Thirdly, mobilise black people to force the working class and the movement to act in defence of the rights of black people.

The successful Abdul Cathan, Trades which involved Oldham Council, possibilly achieving struggles of black people over the past few years have already had an impact inside the WICH labour movement.

The resistance of black youth to blanket police invasions in Lewisham, Notting Hill, of and Southall resulted in Labour's election manifesto pledge to This was for opportunist electoral reasons, but layer of it opens the way to force the opportunists to act on their words or face a fight to remove them from the leadership of the labour movement.

refusal to support black people themselves against racist violence,

what is acceptable to the local for self-defence

La black liberation

political current

labour leaders, and that their

of the non-white against imperialism

overthrow the their oppression.

operations in 1975.

achieved by racists

united

the defence

affirmative action.

pickets been carried out by the

class and the British state. and self-

part political

own organisations

in schools, colleges, youth clubs

the campaigns need to aim to

white organised labour

Azad defence the ANL and indicates the this. Indeed, the repeal HERE Dus laws.

STOP RACIST MURDERS

ID MORE POLICE RACISM:

Here to stay,

here to fight for...

*Opposition to all immigration controls Tory politicians continually try to tell black people that the tightening of immigration controls is in their interests since it 'allays real fears' among white people in Britain.

In reality the tightening of immigration controls is because the ruling class has decided its reserve army of labour is sufficient now that the post-war boom has ended, and because it provides a means of heightening racism among the white workers.

Each Immigration Act has been racist introducing 'non-racist immigration controls. *For the repeal of blanket and unspecific laws such as Sus, and an end to blanket police operations in black areas; disband the Special Patrol Group There are widespread police operations to search and arrest black people under the pretext of hunting for illegal immigrants. These laws are just one means by which the state maintains constant harassment and repression of black people with the aim of breaking resistance to

Thus it is in the areas with the highest concentration of black people that the use of the Sus law is most widespread. For example, 17,000, the SPG stopped and questioned 14,000 people and made 400 arrests in blanket

*For self-defence against racist and fascist violence Racist and fascist violence is a constant feature of the lives of black people in Britain, and it is met with indifference by the state since it aids the intimidation of black people. Only when such attacks provoke a mass upsurge among black people does the state intervene against the

Short of that it is black people themselves who are victimised for defending themselves. *For an end to discrimination against black people — for affirmative action programmes to end second class citizenship While it is easy to point to the cumulative effects of racism in jobs, housing, and education, it is hard to pin down individual acts of discrimination in these areas. Attempting to end discrimination by putting a stop to individual racist actions is the trap of liberals and reformists who see things in individualistic, human rights terms rather than as social issues

The only way to end these types of discrimination is through the demands taken up and fought for by the Afro-American, Chicano, and Women's movements in the USA -

Only through affirmative action can the black and anti-racist movements go beyond purely formal (and fictional) equality and fight for actual equality *For an end to imperialist oppression of the peoples of the third world The most effective solidarity that workers in the imperialist countries can provide for the anti-imperialist struggles around the world is to challenge the imperialist role of the British ruling

The objective of campaigns in solidarity with the people of Zimbabwe, Iran, or Ireland, must be to limit the room of British imperialism to manoeuvre by mobilising the labour movement against imperialist intervention. *For the right of black people to determine their own future through their

Black people must be free to determine their own future through their own organisations. The . task of revolutionary socialists is to unconditionally defend that right.

Recognising national rights extends to other questions, such as housing and language. Take for example the Greater London Council, which proposed to create all-Bengali areas 'for their protection'. It is clear that the only consistent, democratic policy is to demand that Bengalis themselves must decide on their housing.

We defend the right of national minorities to learn their own languages, and to have facilities in schools, the media, libraries, etc to use their own language.

We are absolutely opposed to any policy of integration which forces black people to abandon their own languages and cultures. *There will be no black liberation without women's liberation Black women will increasingly play a central role in the struggle for black liberation. This has already been demonstrated in the workplace struggles of black people

The newly-emerging black women's movement is beginning to play a leading role in promoting actions against the sexist and racist immigration controls (the AWAZ pickets over "virginity testing') and police and state harassment

The black women's movement has a vital and legitimate role to play within the black

- there is no possibility of the ruling class in Lewisham, which has a black population of about

Socialist Challenge 21 February 1980 Page 9

Page 10 scan of this page

THE STRUGGLE FOR BLACK LIBERATION Black people as an oppressed nationality

THE Fourth International, the organisation of Trotskyists, regards the black people of the United States as an oppressed nationality minority. We are not alone in this - an important section of the Afro-American masses regard themselves as an oppressed nationality.

For us this is the key thing, for we have no pre-conceived notions as to what constitutes a nationality minority. It is primarily a matter of how they see themselves. As Trotsky wrote: 'We do not obligate the negroes to become a nation; if they are then it is a question of their consciousness, that is, what they desire and strive for...

That black people were striving to become a nation was evidenced at the time Trotsky said this by the Garvey movement which had over 1. million adherents in the USA. It has been shown even more clearly after the growth of the black nationalist movement in the 60s. Fixed

Trotsky based himself present consciousness of black people, the objective factors which could lead in that direction. He argued that nations were not fixed for all time, but were created objective conditions.

'In any case,' he wrote, 'the suppression of the negroes (under slavery and after) pushes them towards a political and national unity...

The Socialist Workers Party in the United States, of International, conditions which into a nation in the light of experience of the SEXUES

*Black people America as slaves. They came here speaking different languages. totally different levels of historical and cultural development. Ency- came here different nations, and totally different tribes,

totally different Certainly none of these characteristics was a common denominator.

"Their common denominator became their servitude, the destruction languages the destuction cultures by their slave masters. What happened was that on American soil, conditions, these black slaves became a new nationality not directly linked to their original nations or tribes, which languages, nao no common bond waatsoever and often didn't know each other. Afro

"That was the origin of what today we call the Afro-American nationality.

These unique conditions welded the American Indians into a nationality

are not repeated importantly black come here as slaves.

savery immediate and violent suppression aspects of their original social life, including the family and/or tribal people coming to Britain brought with them the culture, religion, language and traditions of their nation or nationality.

While these are under forces accept language, black people have been able to resist and maintain them, even if in a modified form. Continued links with their country of origin continues to reinforce those traditions.

SCULICE national minorities.

STILIST society, however, distinguish between black people according to their national origin. black people.

Different aspects of that oppression affect different nationalities in different ways or even to different degrees. For example, the strong family network of the Asian people Socialist Challenge

world

For national or nations! not only on the but or

nationalities and

material certain

the Fourth have spelt out the objective were forming black people

were dragged to North

They came here from

from totally

sections of Africa.

of their native of their native

under unique

spoke different

LABORATE black

which also

Britain. Most people in Britain did not

black people suffered an

of

Black under the SLEUCLUTC.

they

threat as society

British

Black country LOSE GE national does not

oppresses them

common makes

21 February 1980 Page 10

them more subject to the forcible separation

immigration controls. But common to all is that they are easily distinguishable

are black.

This common oppression as blacks is even more apparent as each generation of Britishborn youth tries to grapple with life in Britain — they are British yet they are not accepted by

society. They 'return to', yet the debate over repatriation continually hangs over them.

While the traditions of the

minorities continue to divide the black communities in Britain, oppression forces them towards a political unity in response to their common oppression.

As the pressure on the national minorities to modify and blunt their cultural and social identity increases,

and as the necessity political action oppression increases, we can expect a 'black

The American experience

objective tendency

country that in any

oppression. different

their commor

fOr state on against their them every assistance.

identity' to increase within and between the black peoples in Britain.

At this stage it is not necessary to say with any firmness whether a single nationality will

forged from the national minorities Britain. What is important is to understand the

towards a unity of the national minorities at the political level, but

case there can exist national minorities in Britain who face a particular

What should be our political response to the oppression of these national minorities? The Fourth International defends the right of self-determination for the Afro-Americans that is, the right of the black people of the USA to choose for themselves their future, and if they decide to carve themselves out a black

American soil, unconditionally their right to do that and give

was the Garvey

political struggle today

can be created

struggles of all the oppressed. ideology Practice

to test this in practice

struggles of convinced. In so

workers' bourgeoisie to aid

masses will be won to socialism.

self-determination

they, too, determination.

in the USA to

unconditionally supported.

All these

in

movement organises

from the unions.

But whatever fundamental

As they enter

their oppression

defend they defend the

Trotsky first advanced this position when the only evidence of a mass current. which wanted separation from the American state

movement. It was not a question of whether black people then wanted a separate state or were calling for one it was a question of their having the choice

For Afro-Americans moving into common

common oppression a simple question was and is posed: Is it possible to end our oppression through creating a non-racist multi-national state, or are we forced to create our own separate state?

For whole sections of the black masses this question will only come to the fore as they are drawn into political activity; as they begin to feel the force of their movement, and are for the first time grappling with the problem of achieving their liberation because some sort of major change seems on the agenda.

-That is why Trotsky argued that it was very likely that on the brink of the revolution itself the Afro-American masses would be likely to raise this slogan, and socialists could not base nemselves on present levels of consciousness What will be true for the masses tomorrow is of concern for a vanguard of the black people

We believe that a non-racist workers' state

- indeed we believe that a successful socialist revolution depends on the working class championing the demands and

Not only will ending the private ownership ot the means of production eradicate the material basis of racism, which is the product of imperialist exploitation of the third world and slavery, but the existence of mass workers' democracy will create the political conditions

a struggle against the vestiges of racist

But propaganda on the material roots of racism is not enough to convince the bac masses that this is so. They will (correctly) wish

In so far as a mass revolutionary current develops within the white working class which genuinely champions the specific demands and

black people they will be far as that revolutionary current respects the right of black people to determine their own future, and fights within

movement mine blad painple the

separating if they so choose, then the black

That is why our support for the right of

unconditional and requires us to say nothing more than that it is for black people to decide — our efforts must be geared to convincing the white workers that

must defend that right to self-

Furthermore, in order for the black people

exercise the right of self-determination, they must be able to exercise it through their own organisations - their own political movement with their own leaders. The autonomous organisation of black people, or self-organisation of black people, must be

considerations apply to the national minorities in Britain today.

It is true that in Britain black people form a far smaller section of the population and that political separation would be in some senses more difficult. It is also true that the labour

black workers in its unions, whereas in the United States the black workers remember when they were excluded

these differences, the issues remain the same: capitalism cannot end their oppression

into political struggle, the black masses will find the reformist leadership of the labour movement either complicit in

For incapable of carrying through the fight to end it, and they will come to judge the white workers on how seriously

rights of black people, including their right to self-determination.

Page 11 scan of this page

BEH Block—why you should be marching

The Peace People: an obituary

IRELAND

A NUMBER of protests are

planned in Britain to mark the

fourth anniversary

abolition of political status for

Republican prisoners in

North of Ireland.

Here, in a letter

originally appeared

Derry magazine Seven Stars, is

why you should

these protests.

NO DOUBT over these past few

years and especially in recent months

you have all become familiar with the

terms 'H Block' and "blanketmen'.

Undoubtedly you all know that H

Block is the name of the prison in

which the "blanketmen'

held, but do any of you know of the

true living conditions

prison and of the treatment meted

out to the 'blanketmen'? No? Well,

let one here try, in this brief note, to

bring to you H Block.

Tomb

Firstly, picture in your head a

"tomb', a cold grey box of concrete

just like the tombs in your own city

cemetery. Picture this tomb' with a

window. Only on the window have a

large metal grille, surrounded by a

WOTECH bar-like SLUCIUIC

inserted fibre-glass panels.

Mairead Corrigan is embraced by

By Geoff Bell THE North of Ireland Peace People' have split. perhaps the only surprise that there was still a Peace People to split.

The news came last week when Betty Williams and Peter McLachlan announced their resignations Ene organisation. Williams, with Mairead Corrigan and Ciaran McKeown, was a co-founder of the Peace People in August 1976.

McLachlan became of the organisation in October 1978. He was a Unionist Party member of the now defunct Northern Ireland Assembly and a former staff member at Tory central office.

The immediate reason for split was the support from McKeown and Corrigan for some

which in the

be part of

are being

WEENID BETS stink of old

white body

blanket.

Lump

Furniture

with old dirty, THE Peace People in happier days at a London rally in November 1976.

US folk singer Joan Baez. Jean Loyalist

But is demoralised organisation other.

North of from and along together themselves.

different. chairperson

Peace People, the their banners.

form of

Now in your dull 'tomb' look at all of the walls covered in human excreta and rotten food, your floor littered with decaying food, soiled paper and splashed with pools of urine and water. As you picture the cell imagine the smell, the unbearable

moulded food, excrement and urine. Along with the stink, feel the cold as it pierces your

as you try to cover yourself with a smelly, damp-soaked

Have you got this 'tomb-like cell' in your head? Add a blanketman'.

La large damp lump of smelly foam his bed; a ragged piece of coarse cloth which serves as his blanket; a plastic chamber pot and an

filthy water gallon from shaggy alongside. political status for Republican and

prisoners in the North of fired Ireland. But behind the divisions is a familiar pattern — the leadership of a

and moribund IRA. against each driver

So now those who once promised to bring the entire population of the

Ireland together in sisterly LOVE have proved incapable of even staying The interana Years a i read shot,

Mairead Corrigan proclaimed: 'Believe me, in a month's time there's not going to •be a bombing, or a hi-jacking, or a shooting. There's going to be peace.'

That was in the early days of the TEO

when thousands marched in Ireland and Britain under IRA'.

The spark, or rather the shot,

which two men have to drink.

With this cell' pictured in your head think now of the young men

London demonstration and rally

Break the wall of silence on the H Blocks

Blanket protests, Fleet St, 6pm

assemble outside the Law Courts

Rally at 7.30pm, Conway Hall,

Red Lion Square

Speakers

Arrowsmith, Des Warren, Paul Foot

Tariq Ali, Alan Thornett and speakers

from the Relatives Action Committee

Sinn Fein, Irish Republican Socialist

Party.

who languish and rot there, young men, now old men, with long grimy which led to the movement was that

by British soldier August 1976. It was fired at a car being driven The soldiers bullet killed the a member

and the car went out control, careering onto the pavement and killing three children.

The way the leaders of the Peace People dealt with those deaths was an early indication of their approach. They did not blame the British Army soldier who fired the

but rather they castigated the dead Provisional for getting in the way of the soldier's bullet and hence being unable to control the car.

Betty Williams made

intentions clear when she explained

the Daily Express, in headlines, Why I Must Stop

From the start the movement was directed against the Provisionals. But

beards, rotten teeth and their bodies aching from hunger, cold and endless beatings, beatings which occur daily during cell searches, wing shifts and coming and going on visits.

Along with the blanketmen' have to undergo the most inhuman which consists of firstly, the naked blanketman' being forced into a spread-eagle position over a large mirror, then STS thumped down into Pat position, the mirror is then raised up.

to his buttocks, probing fingers prise his buttocks apart and a large torch and meta detector are used in a thorough search of his anal passage. Dragged With this part of complete, he is dragged up hair, and in front of four Ewart-Biggs, wife of assassinated British ambassador in Dublin, walks

it was not this thinking that brought

11 Catholics

behind the banner of 'peace' during of the the first few weeks. Rather it was a

general war-weariness, a simple and

of understandable desire to see

violence end.

What in the end destroyed the Peace People was prescription for general violence was the defeat or surrender

of the IRA.

That emphasis did attract a good deal of support. peace marches was 'guarded' by Loyalist paramilitary Ulster Defence Association. her

When the Peace People came to banner Britain their supporters ranged from the the Grand Orange Lodge of Scotland

to the Labour lifted a ban on Irish demonstrations in Trafalgar Square so that Williams,

thoroughly searched.

Picture

in your mind. denied.

beatings, the

degrading search

We, the

kicked and

a squatting SIGNED:

Campbell, McCallion, McCormack Adrian

McGowan, Eamon MeDermott,

the search Micky

by Connolly Brady. five. H Block

there.

1976,

Effective

SUBSI

What.

Catholic

The would

Back Army.

Backing

concerned.

the explanations OLLO SUCCE

Corrigan the

movement. that its only analysis

end the

last ten years, One of the early were

because group, the about

Today

Politically they ROYCHECHL which

time ago.

Socialist Challenge

screws his nose, mouth, ears, hair, penis, testicles and pubic hair are

We hope that through this short note we've put the true picture of life inside H Block for 360 blanketmen'

Could you imagine what it would be like for these men to be able to smoke a cigarette, hear s tune on the radio, read a morning paper, write a letter to either their families or girl friends? Just these, the small natural things of life, have been denied to these men for over three years now and will go on being

The endless suffering and beating and inhuman treatment will continue unless you speak out now and tell the world the truth and help stop it all.

"blanketmen', write this letter to you, begging you to help us now before it is too late, before some mother's heart is broken with the news of her son's death in H Block.

Liam Carlin, Kevin Denny Hutton, Eugene Gary McCool, Eugene Kieran Fleming, Callan, Frankie Doherty Patrick McCourt, Joe Rodgers, Peter

Raymond McCartney, John Cassidy, Devine. Tony О'Нагя,

Corrigan and company could rally

Williams told the British ruling

class media, which fell over itself to

promote the Peace People, that Jim

Callaghan supported them. Even the

Queen gave them a special mention

during her Christmas broadcast in

Broader still, the Morning, Star

also gave its support, on one occasion

approvingly quoting the view of the

Communist Party that the

Peace People were. 'an effective way

to defeat the bombers and assassins.

united all these

organisations, groups and individuals

was hatred for the Provisional IRA.

But that was never the feeling in the

Catholic ghettoes, as is clear from the

following report of feelings in the

working, class area of

Ballymurphy in Belfast:

Army is viewed with

unconcealed hostility as forces of

occupation. the hostility and hatred

was unremitting and there was never

a chance that the peace movement

might gain a foothold there.

The source of this quotation was

not a Republican newspaper it wa

Visor, a British Army journal.

The British Army was the one

source of violence the Peace People

never condemn. The odd

criticism was made here and there,

but the essential message of Williams,

McKeown and Corrigan was summed

up in an October 1976 headline of the

Daily Mirror: *Ulster Peace Brigade

It was that backing which sealed

the fate of the Peace People as far as

Catholic working was

Contemporary British media for the movement's

decline concentrate on the money-

grabbing attitude of Williams and

Lne fact that they

pocketed the money from their Nobel

prize rather than donating it to their

But that trivial

The Peace People, like a host of

other "solutions' offered up in and

outside of the North of Ireland in the

failed because they politically worthless and they had nothing to say the central issue in Irish

politics - Britain's presence in the

six north-eastern counties.

Peace People are

reported to be financially bankrupt

, were never anyth

else. Their obituary be being

written now, but they died a long

21 February 1980 Page 11

Page 12 scan of this page

By Steve Potter A FULL SCALE civil war is going on in Afghanistan. Rightist guerillas are fighting the Soviet and Afghan armies. American imperialism has attempted to polarise world opinion in favour of the withdrawal of the Russian troops.

What attitude should we take?

The Soviet troops entered one of the most underdeveloped countries of the world. Out of 15 million inhabitants only 15 per cent live in the towns. The infant mortality rate is the highest in the world; the literacy rate one of the lowest. There is a tiny working class, perhaps only 150,000 strong, employed in manufacturing and construction. But there has been a rapid expansion of a new 'middle class' made up of state employees, doctors, technicians, engineers.

Power

In the countryside the landowners maintain practically unlimited power, because in general the rich landlord also assumes the functions of community leader. formed close links with the mullahs (Islamic clergy) and chiefs of the local communities where they are not themselves big landowners already.

Together they make up a reactionary bloc whose aim is to Afghanistan and that suits the businessmen in Kabul.

So when the Popular Democratic Party of Alghanistan took power on 27 April 1978, they were facing massive problems have been difficult to deal with even if the PDPA was a revolutionary government. It was LEOL

The chain of events which brought the PDPA to power started in the late sixties. Student mobilisations had broken out in the cities. The king, Zaher Chach, closed down the universities. The number of strikes. Two years later the peasants responded to two years of famine with a series of localised uprisings. with extreme brutality by the army. Toppled

The instability of the confirmed in 1973 when a coup led by the foremost ruling class politician, Daoud, toppled the king and established a republic. But the chiefs and landowners refused to give up the slightest part of their privileges when he tried to advance a timid agrarian reform.

Of course, Daoud would not and could not turn to the urban masses and peasants to help him implement his programme. abandoned its main reform proposals, set up a dictatorship and turned to reactionary allies abroad to prop it up.

Repression against the nationalist officers worsened as the crisis of the Daoud regime deepened. Mir Akbar

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INTERNATIONAL

army officers, teachers and

These landowners have

defend the status quo in

which would working class launched a

These were put down

fell. monarchy was

Mohammed Instead he

PDPA and the

Kyber,

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21 February 1980 Page 12

Afghanistan.

Part one:

intellectual and trade union leader, assassinated on 17 April 1978. widespread repression the POTA plotted a coup against the regime in alliance with officers in the army. Ten days later Daoud

The overthrow of the Daoud regime was therefore much more to do with a classical coup d'etat than with revolution. Certainly the mass movement did take to the streets in the days immediately preceding the coup. workers and peasants were not mobilised and organised in the struggle for power, but only to back up the limited efforts of the PDPA to defend itself. Perspective The PDPA at the time of its formation in 1965 adopted the perspective of a national democratic revolution as a stage to socialism. A section of the PDPA led by Barbrak Karmal

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Right wing guerillas make up the reactionary bloc whose aim is to defend the status quo in

THE CONFLICT IN AFGHANISTAN

The road to civil war

Was Fearing leaders *Foundation

But the

In its

massive

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took this to its logical conclusion when thes participated in the 1973 government of Daoud

Divisions in the PDPA were systematised only two years after its foundation. Ethnic and personal factors combined with political ones resulted in the formation of two factions; that of the Kalq (People) faction led by Nor Taraki and Hafizullah Amin and the Parcham (Flag) faction led by Karmal.

first months in office Revolutionary Council formed by a reunited PDPA decreed reform which aimed to end the

indebtness of the peasants in the countryside and to hit the big through imposing strict limits on the amount of land that could be held by an individual. Equal rights were decreed for women and a literacy campaign was to start in 1979 with the target of educating 2.5 million children and 5.5 million

OCIALIST Students Alliance National Conference: 12 ion, Oxford Rd. MCR IS. Eveni further info tel: 061-273 5947. Uniol NEW issue of Revolution 01-359 8371.

Our

Fund

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MONEY particular problem for the working

class at the moment with spiraling knows which class it thinks should por us here at scialist Challenge.

The price of paper up, 8S dO all the printing, postage, distribution and typesetting.

Our new, machine makes us efficient and much more flexible but it isn't any cheaper to run.

which the reform programme through

eventual execution replacement by Amin. Dismayed

congratulatory social impact

which would

by popular insurrection Gulf'.

against the PDPA government. the

landowners

Amin

Of course University

i Copies From Rest, Jude or Mick on on the

The the DEUC typesetting

problem.

big

It's also a particular problem Count yourself

today! goes up and ofte of rail fares,

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much more

adults. Trade unions were set up and in one year had organised 160,000 workers

matin in the ess the romes ope dramatic in its impact on a country Afghanistan, meant that the government was heading for direct conflict with the reactionary rural alliance which had already defeated Daoud's tame plans — heading for a civil war. Disagreements on the bureaucratic way in

was carried were reflected in bitter factional struggles inside the PDPA. Disputes within the Khalq came to a head with the overthrow and

of Taraki and his

The Kremlin, although they sent the usual

telegram to the victor, were undoubtedly dismayed by this turn of events They had wanted to slow down the

Amin was in favour of speeding up the reforms by the same unpopular methods. The number one question in their minds was the advantage that imperialism would accrue from the crisis in he country. The imperialists had feared an lefeat for the reactionaries in Afghanistan. Th

would have repercussions throughout the area, but particularly through the possible revival of the Baluchi movement

destabilise neighbouring Pakistan. These fears were massively booster after the overthrow of the Shah in January 1975

The toppling of the Shah also caused problems for the imperialists. Who would act

dramatic consequences Afghanistan developments? Israel and Egypt instead started to fulfill this role along with the bloc of countries headed by Saudi Arabia who had formed an alliance for the defence of the

The plan was to support both directly and indirectly the efforts of the rightist force!

(This is the first article of two based on a resolution of the Fourth International shortly to be published.)

our readers pockets are as badly affected by price rises as our account books, but we still have to ask you to dig deep and find "Send us a fiver' appeal is going very well. A large number of readers have already managed to find at least one of the blue ones to send

But just a note to the rest of you who haven't found the spare cash yet we really are not asking for a lot. One fiver buys us... one picture for page could send journalist half way to South Wales to talk to steel workers Our paper has 16 pages and more than 20 pictures each week and we hope to get further than Somerset for our interviews, so we need help.

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Page 13 scan of this page

Masses in El Salvador rise against junta

How Nicaragua will teach 900,000 to read and write

IT IS only a few months since

General Romero

Salvador was overthrown in a

military coup. But the

regime that replaced him is

already falling apart under the

hammer blows of the

resistance.

Earlier this month

spoke to MANUEL,

representative of the Popular

Liberation Forces

which is linked to the Popular

Revolutionary Bloc (BPR).

MANUEL described the coup in

October 1979 as

North American imperialism to hold

back the revolutionary process which

people

maintain its influence given the situation in Nicaragua'.

At first the new military regime was able to attract support TOL

Christian Democrats, but also from

the Communist Party, which stressed the *democratic and character of the new officers. ICH DOE LOOK the minister in the government.

also benefited participation of the Popular Forum, an opposition front ranging from the The following article is based on an interview with Octavio assistant minister of education, Managua on 3 January.

THE literacy campaign is something our people greatly heed. We are going to organise some brigade members, but need more. We estimate that between 850,000 and 900,000 persons above the age of ten do not know how to read. We need on average one brigade member for every Tour huterates. In reality, however, there are rural areas that are very hard to reach, and we'll have to send many teachers to these areas.

and we are hoping for the help of companeros from around the world. Our problem that undergoing economic crisis.

We are a small country, with a debt approaching $1.8 billion. This is equivalent to the debt held by some countries with four times population. That gives you an idea of the scope of the problem.

In addition, 40 percent of our industry lies in ruins, as well as 40 per

our establishments. In agriculture, crop as important as cotton, only 30 per cent was planted last year, which means a loss of millions of dollars at the very least.

Finance

In short, we don't have the means to finance those who come to help. Every day I receive letters from all over the world, from Europe Australia. We say the same thing in reply to all of them: 'Great. Come help. We'll greet you with open arms. But we can't provide you with a single cordoba while you're here.'

The only possible solution is the one that has been worked out with the teacher companeros from Their gesture human solidarity,

INTERNATIONAL

Christian of El Popular League (LP28) and new

mass through support for the coup' we

(FPL)

a manoeuvre of

SE SALVADOR ana to in the area

some civilian

from

nationalist' of the loudest A CP Job or labour political prisoners.

from the

government says or does.

Rivas,

170,000 literacy

we actually amos le oracid

are unprecedented

our

commercial In a Cuba. genuine has

Democrats to the leftist of 28 February Front for United

People's Action (FAPU). Manuel

stressed that our organisation, the

BPR, stayed outside to deepen the struggles and demands of the people,

instead of holding back mass action

LP28 and FAPU soon withdrew from the Popular Forum, however,

call as popular struggles continued. One

demands since the coup has been for the freeing of the

But no amnesty

has come. Every demonstration for political freedoms has been attacked

by the army regardless of what the

Los guerrilleros vencen a los generales

generales

Age ne ra les

Na La undertaken to pay them during their stay here. We have provided the only thingsiour country can offer - a roof over their heads, food, and our great

That's all we can provide.

those who have the means to come

In reality the government does

not govern. It has no power over the

army, the national guard, and the

rural police, which were the three

pillars of the old dictatorship. In

addition paramilitary

grouping, ORDEN, is also receiving

official encouragement.

AS Manuel comments:

*Imperialism wanted to set up a more

respectable government with more

support, to modernise ProducHon

But it kept the army intact in reserve,

and now it is being used.

things get really bad, it can also call

on the military regimes in Guatemala

and Honduras.' Quit

On 2 January the Communist

Party, Social Democrats and left

Christian Democrats were forced to quit the government under mass pressure. Nine days later a new opposition coordinating committee

was set up, involving the BPR, L.P28, FAPU and also the CP. The declared aim was to unify action against the government, take forward the armed struggle, and draw up proposals for a

This was a sharp about-turn for the CP: to change from supporting the government to signing a joint call to arms against it. But this was the only way it could avoid being left on the sidelines.

EIF.S.L.N. condujo al pueblo a la liberación

liberación

li be ra ción

lo lu le Lo Lu Le communities where they will work,

We are very interested in having teaching companeros come from a number of countries. You are well aware that reactionaries around the

On 22 January demonstration of more than 200,000 people took capital, San Salvador, repression. fascist says Manuel,

the ones used for crop-spraying and began to spray an insecticide called "Malathion" on the crowd". The demonstration

And if 'THE heroic

Nicaraguan people, led by the FSLN, is an inspiration for our unity will to fight until Sandinistas' victory has opened an epoch of revolution America... •We Salvador as a part of this Central American revolution and as a step in the fight for the liberation of all the peoples of the continent. victoria siempre! Venceremos!' from communiqué issued on 10 January

continued peacefully began to fire on us from the National Palace, from the Ministry of Defence from the newspaper La Prensa Graficia.

'The self-defence

CRUZADA NACIONAL DE

ALFABETIZACION

héroes y

mártires por

la liberación

de Nicaragua

Aling-nene-Nuna - Nino La Li Lu Le Lo le lo la lu l León - loma - Quilall-revolución- Yalagüina

SCCr

- -

Lola Lelc Lea

LUIC LUL LeC OIc

Evo vi vu ya ve * Luvi lovo lava la lo li le h

Viva velo vilo Luvi lava la vela

world have violently criticised the

This is a manoeuvre designed to

sphere and to refuse us the aid that

other countries could easily provide.

We want to initiate a counter-attack,

huge organised demonstration, to the streets of the defended

against the Immediately it set out, 'aircraft appeared little the

Metropolitan University, from the air. then

struggle of the

their and victory. The

Central

see the revolution in EI

the junta'

Hasta la

an opposition

people's insurrections,

against the "they

offices of the

brigades, the masses.' the world.

structurally don't hide this;

themselves

changes themselves. Literacy

democratic revolution,

be really free.

On speak three

La ola Lola lee will be

Lula lía

preserved. isolate uS Crusade,

the economic

Socialist Challenge

and trained for this covered and an organised retreat, because we could not get involved in

a stupid and unequal battle. Little by

people withdrew to the Cathedral and the where we were attacked

But such was the situation that the government was persuaded by the Red Cross, foreign diplomats and a number of political leaders to allow more than 150,000 people to leave

refuges churches, the Cathedral and the University.'

By this time, however, more than 100 people had been killed and 500 wounded according to estimates from

rights sources. Four days after this massacre, the press in E Salvador reported that 'the United States has reiterated its support for

And what does the FPL see as its major tasks in the situation? Says Manuel: "In a situation of prolonged

Wal partial uprisings of whole peoples and their armed self-defence

army, we have set ourselves three tasks: to build a Marxist-Leninist party; to build the FPL to take part in guerilla struggle, the militias and self-defence brigades; and to build a revolutionary front of and are seeking teachers from all over

This is the real spirit of our revolution, which is a broad and democratic revolution that is going to lead us towards a different society, a

different society. We we aren't trying to fool anyone. This is a revolution that is marching towards socialism.

But we also say and repeat over and over, that the Nicaraguan peopl

are making this revolution. Here reforms and changes

introduced step by step, accordance with the degree to which the people attain the necessary level of consciousness to carry through these

The literacy campaign that we are going to carry out in the first year of the revolution is a clear sign of the

character of this for the weapon of knowledge is going to enable each individual to obtain an education, to

the Atlantic coast, people languages Spanish English, and Misquito. So , there we

carrying this literacy campaign in three languages. This is all part of our culture, and we are going to preserve and protect ever element of our culture. That means all the songs, dances, and fables - the entire oral culture — will be saved and

In closing, I would like to appeal to the teachers' unions, to the trade unions in general, to ask that they donate an hour's pay in support of the literacy campaign. That would be a concrete way of assuring its success.

*Money for the literacy campaign can be sent to: Nicaraguan Literacy

Cooperative Bank (Ealing branch), London W5 2XL.

NEXT WEEK: Special eyewitness report on life in the new Nicaragus.

21 February 1980 Page 13

Page 14 scan of this page

Zimbabwe lurches back towards civil war

PEUGEOT

HOUND

MILITANT

TO DEATH

By Martin Meteyard PHILIPPE Marchan revolutionary shop steward at the

plant France. Was. On 8 February he shot himself, driven to suicide by management witch-hunt.

former Chrysler plants in Britain -has Jong history intimidation of its workforce. Many of its plants are terrorised by a pro-

of Free Trade includes known fascists among its bully-boys.

In many shops the foreman is a CSL •For the immierani workers who make up much of the workforce, joining the CSL is the price they pay for avoiding the sack and the long journey home.

Al the Aulnay-sous-Bois factory the biggest French union, the CGT, has had the works council elections annulled time after ime for CSL malpractices. In 1977 the CSE replied by a terror campaign on the re-run and only 30 workers out of 5,000 even voted.

Marchau himself was a member of the CGT. How management responded to his election as a steward can be judged from the list of provocations given in the statement issued by the CGT section at Sochaux after his death.

According to this, Marchau was the victim of 'too many of the worst insults, provocations, punishments, several letters, serious warnings ... and sixteen days suspension in two years, including six in a single month.

The CGT federation accused management of 'ferocious exploitation' organising "permanent repression', declarig that for three years Marchau had been the 'object of persecution by hand-picked management finks.

Stoppage

Management described "shameless propaganda, the workforce to judge it in their hearts and consciences'. workers stood could be seen on une morning of the funeral, when a fiveminute stoppage took plant in memory of Marchau.

But Marchau was not just a trade unIon militant. He was member organisation, the Communist League (LCR section of the Fourth International).

In its own statement, said: 'It is with rage in our hearts that

salute the memory

the daily repression of the Peugeot bosses, their systematic against militants...

•Peugeot management wanted to break this CT delegate, organiser of the defence and the struggles of the body shop workers. the most exhausting multiplying harassment suspensions. As a result he is dead, victim of his determination not to yield to the intimidation, exploitation and repression of the system...

*The LCR calls on all the workers organisations, militants and workers for a united struggle to put an end to the Peugeot dictatorship.'

That dictatorship Britain. It is already strength with its redundancies at the Linwood plant in Scotland. Solidarity against killers of Marchau will help convince all Peugeot workers of the common enemy they face.

Socialist Challenge

INTERNATIONAL

By Richard Carver IT IS whether the was

Sochaux,

Zimbabwe

by Robert Mugabe.

Unions), which

very

of Zimbabwe

disastrous.

exclusively

Continuity

plots, ragging,

fraud both internationally.

The

hardly a police metalworkers'

and nationalist guerillas.

white reservists.

service body practical preparations,

this

calling on

Where the

turnout!

place in the

April's, will martial law also

revolutionary more than Revolutionary constitutional

French

the LCR been suspended.

of this Seats

Rage against

The British

witch-hunt

Muzorewa victory. win.

They gave him

Heavily and Africa, National Council

Peugeot DICSS.

Yet Muzorewa support drift away

extends Lancaster House

proposed

the substance.

Muzorewa compromised

21 February 1980 Page 14

STILL

uncertain ceasetire in Zimbabwe will hold until the start of next week's elections.

The main reason for doubt is the vicious campaign by the Brilish colonial power and the white Rhodesian state against

National Union (ZANU) led

The root of the problem lies in the

of the ceasetire agreement. The belief that the people

could achieve liberation courtesy of the British state - an idea pushed in the workers movement by the Labour lefts and the Communist Party - has proved

It may be surprising that Soames has been so openly partial to the whites and Muzorewa. But it was inevitable that his power would rest

racist state apparatus — for the Lancaster House agreement provides no alternative.

So

As a symbolic demonstration of continuity the elections for the 20 white and 80 African seats are even being held on different days. The elections will be run by the same team which produced Muzorewa's victory in the internal settlement' election last April - widely denounced as a ZAPU

Zimbabwe and

same police force will

haperise the polin to the in it is

in the conventional sense, being more used to paramilitary actions against the

As happened last April its ranks will be reinforced by the mobilisation of some 35,000

The Election Directorate, the civil

which deals with is virtually unchanged from April. There will be no registration of voters, leaving the way open for widespread fraud. The adoption of a similar procedure last time meant that some constituencies recorded a more than 100 per cent

Above all, the election, like last

be conducted under and State of Emergency. Lord Soames will need

This share of British expertise to explain how democratic elections can be held when all democratic guarantees have

have thus done everything in their power to ensure a

Yet Muzorewa he is unnkely even te get the 31 African seats needed give him a majority in coalition with the white members of parliament.

financed by South the Bishop's United African (UANC) superficially the best equipped party. (The Patriotic Front parties are even WILD having problems finding a printing allowed

has seen his the from him even though he returned to campaign for the election a month before the came

accords were signed, and a full ten weeks before Mugabe was allowed back. He has all should the trappings of power but none of its

is hopelessly by his years collaboration with the white regime.

ZANU supporters turn out to greet Mugabe

the British and the Rhodesians are badly in need of a second string - a black politician with mass support who can be trusted to abide by the settlement and look favourably upon Western capital. Joshua Nkomo is enthusiastically auditioning for this role.

The Patriotic Front alliance of

and ZANU broke up only days after the Lancaster

ZIMBABWE DAY OF ACTION Saturday 23 February MASS PICKET 1pm to 2pm of the Foreign Office Downing Street RALLY 6.45pm to 8.30pm at the National Liberal Club 1 Whitehall Place SW1 Speakers from ZANU(PF) and PF(ZAPU)

Alex Lyon MP

and a representative from the

International Defence and Aid

Fund (recently returned from Zimbabwe) 50p BENEFIT & DANCE 9.00pm to 12.30am

at the National Liberal Club

1 Whitehall Place SW1

Bands from Southern Africa

JABULA IMMIGRANT (a special reunion benefit performance) €2.50 Rally and Benefit £2.25

Publicly responsibility for this seemed to rest

•ZANU, ZAPU to pose as defenders of unity and thus inherit

Patriotic Front label undoubted electoral asset. Hear least crossly for ple

least equally from leadership of Nkomo's party. Its idea of unity was that the ŻANU cadres

"rejoin' ZAPU, which they had left in 1964. Such an attitude could only harden ZANU hostility.

The British have aimed for a split in the Patriotic Front for as long as the alliance has existed. But even they

white cannot have expected that Nkomo would be so obliging.

• His long British multinational proof of his ultimate sympathy for imperialism, but he has than that. His armed forces have fully co-operated with the British monitoring forces, to the extent of lodging House ZANU ceasefire violations. Endorsed

Nkomo's endorsed When longtime leader community, urged blacks to vote for ZAPU in preference discredited Muzorewa. However, this was something of a mixed blessing which Nkomo may yet regret

The problem for the British is that Nkomo is also unlikely to win the election. Mugabe has a far stronger base among the country's majority Shona people and indisputably played the major part in the guerilla war.

It will be surprising if ZANU does not emerge Nkomo has precautions against this by informally approaching the Thumber of the smaller African parties with proposals for a coalition.

Lord Soames can be relied on to co-operate. Under the terms of a report by the supervisors at the February, appoint Nkomo as prime ministe even if Mugabe wins!

Nkomo's attempts to patch up a coalition, British

against attempts on Mugabe's life all indicate the deep fear of a Mugabe victory the feeling that this would mean the final destruction of the racist state. After such a result it is difficult to believe that the African population would willingly return to a daily grind the of low wages, tiny plots of land and humiliation by the white state. which the Weakened

Zimbabwe is thus lurching back towards civil war - though this time one in which the nationalist have been politically weakened. The anti-ZANU coalition, ranging from Nkomo, now threatens the elections themselves.

Defence of movement therefore immediate necessity for the Western labour movement. The most effective

VOTE

association with une

Lonrho was Many done better have

complaints against alleged

Zimbabwe's

credentials were

Plan - Smith, the all its troubles. of the white

the

resolve his supporters guevance Results

as the largest party.

already taken

UANC and

What

British election beginning of Soames will be able to

administrative

ZANU, and the

and militarily

the white army to

BENEFIT (NU(PF) the nationalist becomes an VARY

way to do this is by campaigning for British Governor and his troops

ZANU supporters (anc rank-and-file ZAPU members) may

gone into the settlement believing that the British presence was a guarantee against intimidation, but few can believe it now. In the space of a few weeks Lord Soames has made it clear that far from being

symbolically at least — the source of

The deployment of British troops is strikingly reminiscent of their use in Ireland in 1969. There too their arrival was tentatively greeted on the nationalist side as some protection against reactionary attacks. There too the British government believed that short-term military means could

long-standing colonial

The results of the Irish experience are there for all to see. No doubt the British government does not want a repeat performance, but it has yet to

problem of how to withdraw its forces.

could easily happen is a swift decline into civil war with the British troops still in place and, of course, playing a far, from impartial role. In that case the British state will once again be embarked upon a long and bloody colonial war - a war in which the Western labour movement cannot afford to be neutral.

ZANU: WE ARE OUK

OWN LIBERATORS

THE PASSIONS

FRIDAY 22nd FEE ONDON POLY OXFORD CIRCUS, W.i

ICEEDS TO ZANUF) £2

Page 15 scan of this page

The stinking rich

UNDER REVIEW

By Phil Hearse IN the 1950s Tory and Labour leaders alike told uS never had it so good'. post-war CLORORE made politicians academics alike assume class inequalities were pearing and class antagonism becoming a thing of the past.

But today inequality is no longer concealed.

Thatcher and Keith champion the cause inequality. The new Tory myth is not to deny that inequality

but mystify source.

We have the unequal', Margaret claims, because result of effort, initiative and, above all, enterprise. It is this myth which a new CIS report, The Wealthy, concentrates on exploding.

The report reveals the vast scale of inequality Britain; the huge scope conspicuous I wy consumption of the bourgeoisie; and shows how this wealth is not the result of effort' or 'initiative', but derives from accidents

birth. luck, exploitation and swindling. Taxation

It also exposes the impotence of efforts at re-distribution through and innumerable ways in which those who have keep it away from those who have not.

The report looks at three crucial areas of power and privilege; first, the cisT on or rotar wear second. the distribution of income; third, the pattern of ownership of a vital raw material land. Its conclusions are

It is. virtually impossible calculate total wealth. wealthy make every precise facts. Nonetheless indicator is the ownership company shares.

The pattern of ownership of company shares is because as the report says, decide what goods will be produced, who will work to produce these goods, what they will be paid. and what the prices of those goods will be.

The value of privately owned shares is about £17 billion in total. staggering 80 per cent of shares in private ownership are owned by one per cent of the population, and just five per cent of the population own 98 per cent of all privately owned shares. Shareholder

The growth of giant financial institutions has ownership and control of shares even mOIC. at the expense of the small shareholder.

The existence of a large number of huge firms today might impression of a dispersal of power and control. In fact the growth of huge corporations has concentrated economic power. The CIS reveals this vividly in relation to the board of British Petroleum.

Every single director is also the director of up to a dozen other large concerns. And LUIS system of directorships extends also between industrial and capital, especially between the large industrial companies and merchant banks who have enormous power. As the report indicates: "The directors of the merchant banks are regarded as the core or me establishment. Most of them hereditary firms, and families still dominate most of the boards.

Elite

Despite the proliferation of unit trusts in the 1960s, economic power still rests in the hands of a tiny elite who control the major financial and industrial concerns.

The Diamond Commission on the Distribution of Wealth came to the

'we'd The boom and that disap-

Margaret

Joseph of

its

right to be

Thatcher wealth is the wealth and

complete

the

and effort to conceal

0110

important, concentrated

give the

report

interlocking land and housing

finance Ownership concentrated. the table shows concentrated.

Distribution of

are

Top 1% Top 10% The rest.

mesear en

The top one

conclusion that ownership of shares,

were the most constituents of wealth. all three is highly The accompanying precisely how

Different Assets 1976 with, income.

Shares Land Housing

54.2 52.0 8.6 89.6 84.1 37.5 10.4 15.9 62.5

Source: Royal Commission and Labour

per cent of the population own 8.6 per cent of all

housing, while the top 10 per cent of society own nearly 40 percent of all housing _ a fact well worth bearıng in mind when you next have difficulty finding a flat or getting a mortgage!

The same people own the most shares, the most houses and the bulk of the land. That's why it is possible to talk of a ruling class

The wealthier you are to start

the Wealth generates and high interest rates only give this process a boost. Lending money to

government, building societies, or indeed large firms, even for a short period of time, will lead to huge profits.

Therefore it is no surprise to learn, as the accompanying table shows, that income is also highly unequal.

The CIS report is full of juicy little details of the mechanisms by which

The Distribution of income in the U K

Income share of the:

Top 1% • Top 10% Next 40% Bottom 50% wealth, Source: Royal Commission and Labour Research. the rich rip off the tax collectors and the rest as. interesting are some of the charming portraits of our betters. For example, there is the Duke of Westminster who, apart from a few other minor interests, is a landowner

He owns 15,000 acres in Cheshire, 14,000 in North Wales, 100,000 acres

Shropshire,

Belgravia (this

chaps

over each other.

Even

Tory leaders table shows:

But

to Oxford. 1978

Lord Carrington

Rio Tinto Zing Hambros Bani Sun Insutance

Royal Worcester

Bovis Peter Walker Adwest Group

Jim Prior United Biscuit Avon Products IDC Group

natonal

Charrington) the CIS report;

% pre-tax 1949 1976/77 11.2 5.4 33.2 25.8 43.1 - 49.7 23.7 .24.5

-Ink Links

611 Ti even more

Socialist Challenge

in Scotland, a mere 900 acres in

an estate in Northern Ireland, together with property in Canada, Hawaii, Australia, not to mention 300 acres in Mayfair and

300 acres alone is worth t1000 million).

As the report notes: Part of the celebrations at the stag party for the 26-year-old Earl of Grosvenor (the Duke's other title) involved young

pouring E100 bottles Chateau Mouton Rothschild 1961

more interesting 1s breakdown of the directorships, the wealth and the background of the

To be in the Cabinet it helps to be a member of the landed gentry like Lord Carrington, who owns about half of Buckinghamshire, George Younger, the Scottish secretary and heir to the third Viscount of Leckie, or Sir Ian Gilmour, a hereditary baronet.

An alternative qualification is to be a director of at least a few large companies, as the accompanying

whatever precist background you must have breeding of the 19 Cabinet ministers who went to public school, six went to Eton, nine went on to Cambridge and seven

Tory Cabinet

Directorships

Humphrey Atkins Foster, Turner and Benson

Barclays Bank and Barclays International Cadbury Schweppes

Amalgamated Metal Corporation Geoffrey Howe Alliance Assurance Associated Business Programmes Phe-London Assurance bun Amance and London Assuranc

Patrick Jenkin Continental and industrial Trust

Tilbury Contracting Group Sir Keith Joseph Drayton, Premier Investment Trust

Wigham Poland Holdings

Norwich Union Insurance Group Christopher Soames N M Rothschild and Rothschild Inter

National Westminster Bank George Younger Tennant Caledonian Breweries (Bass

These are the people of the wealth and privilege who are now launching a huge attack on ordinary people. Arm yourself with the facts and figures to fight them by buying

fascinating reading and a weapon of struggle

THE OTHER BOOKSHOP

War and an Irish Town,

by Eammon McCann

-Pluto Press € 1.95

Ireland: Divided Nation, Divided

Class, Morgan and Purdie (Eds)

£3.50

Irish Voices from Irish Jails,

—Prisoners Aid Committee £1.50

328 Upper Street, Islington, London NI 2XQ (Tel. 01-226-0571)

21 February 1980 Page 15

Page 16 scan of this page

Socialist Challenge MUGABE FRAME-UP BLOWN APART

BRITAIN GET OUT OF ZIMBABWE!

THE GREAT confidence trick has apart in Zimbabwe. exposure that the Rhodesian security forces are carrying out acts of 'violence intimidation' came when a car allegedly carrying blew up prematurely.

Inside were two members of the blood-thirsty Selous Scouts

the elite of the Rhodesian Army - posing as members of Robert Mugabe's ZANLA. There is strong evidence that the British were involved in framing Mugabe. Just look sequence of events.

On Sunday 10 February a second assassination attempt was made on Mugabe's life. The place right next to a Rhodesian army garrison. The following day Mugabe announced that he joint government with ZAPU Patriotic Front party.

The following Thursday someone BUL desperate. Rhodesian arrested three of ZANU's candidates and held five party officials for interrogation.

The same day British imperialism's watchdog Salisbury, banned Mugabe holding meetings in two of the areas where he expected considerable control.

In what was obviously calculated to appear as retaliation, a wave of bombings hit Salisbury. outside the hotel where the leaders of the Commonwealth monitoring force were staying, and another in a curch.

But something went wrong. A car blew up. Inside there were members of the Rhodesian army.

The Guardian newspaper noted:

Belt f

of an anarchist race

accidental

GHTLY

It's back from 22nd February

Top price tickets for 63 on production of this ad until 8th March.

Wyndhams Theatre.

Charing Cross Rd.

Box Office 01-836-3028

Credit Cards 01-379-6565 Seat Prices E1.80, £3, £4

BRITISH fallen The

and

'terrorists'

up at the

attempt took

would form

Nkomo's

police

Lord Soames,

from

Again

One was managed to

well planned

at a senior level in the unit.

level of command the

will inevitably raise Registered with the Post Office as a newspaper. Published by Relgocrest Ltd. for Socialist Challenge,

"The fact that the two Scouts had

place such a large amount of explosives... points to a

operation for which authority would have been required

*The apparent fact that at some

Rhodesian military authorised urban bombings to influence the outcome of the poil

doubt in minds of the nationalists as to British

ability to monitor or control the regular army.

The 'Cease fire Commission' established by the British has already received reports of 175 violations of the ceasefire. Up until the car blew up only two had been reported as caused by the Rhodesian Army forces. Isn't it strange that the first time that there

any real proof who responsible it turns out to be the Rhodesian Army?

Lord Soames pretended to be independent of the white racist regime. But ever since he arrived he has Rhodesian police and army to carry out his instructions.

organised Nor could it be otherwise - Soames Was is there to protect the interests of British capitalists. stopping Robert

has always gaining the

relied on

He has been glove with the people who the frame-up bombings.

That means get out now.

Mugabe

328/9 Upper St, London N1. Printed by East End [offset] Ltd. PO Box 82, London E2.

overwhelming victory that he would if the elections were free of imperialist interference.

A defeat for British capitalists like Tiny Rowland's Lonrho, in southern Africa is a blow struck against the same Lonrho which is attempting to break the steel strike in the private sector at Hadfields.

That's why we say Britain should

Let the Zimbabwean people decide their own future

← Socialist Challenge No. 134, 14 February 1980Socialist Challenge No. 136, 1980 →

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