Socialist Challenge No. 21, No v Battle of Ideas Supplement on Crisis in the CP, 1977
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battle-rideas The British Communist - Party in Crisis -
Members of the Communist Party of Great Britain least those who are active have two important events this month. They will be celebrating the Soviet Diamond Jubilee - how else can one capture the Navour of Moscow's festivities? — and participating in the 35th Congress of their own Party.
The huge columns of crossing Red Square on the anniversary of the Russian revolution will probably be bigger than ever. And the party leadership will be extolling the unbreakable monolithic unity of the mighty soviet state, as the masses pay homage to giant-size ikons of Lenin.
This portrait of soviet monolithism is a thing of the past in the CPGB. Even the legacy of Lenin is becoming a point of controversy in the British party. New gods are climbing into the party pantheon. A large number of party members are trying to cxorcise the embalmed body of Leninembalming Ciramsci as an alternative.
BREZHNEV
From the opposite quarters of the party, the neo-Stalinists are brandishing touched-up pictures of Brezhnev. The middle-of-the-roaders come forth with POL LEEL of Dimitroy as a unifying figure. And the brash young idcologues on the right of the Party are busy painting a portrait which bears an unmistakeable likeness to Kautsky.
In these anniversary celebration! are becoming a symbol of division within the CPGB. Many members must feel a twinge of nausea when they realise that the demonstrators in Moscow are unable to read a truthful account of the event they are celebrating. They are denied even a half-way accurate history of the Bolshevik Party: just last month the Soviet authorities spain informed us that the Bolshevik WTO •led revolution in Moscow Bukharin - was rightly shot as a mad dog imperialist agent.
FALSIFICATION
Other members of the British party will be similarly sickened as they realise that their own leaders are paying homage to 1917 while, at the samne time, they have completely repudiated the lessons of October. For members who retain the Revalution as their special historical possession, the greatest irony is that chose who reject Stalinist falsification about the Bolsheviks and the revolution, and adhere to the revolution's basic message: soviet power - arc oulside the CPGB's ranks altogether. These people. the International and in other sations of the revolutionary left.
at Seven
UPFOAR
60th
by
Such dismal thoughts about the Diamond Jubilee are a foretaste of a gloomy Congress. This has been a bad year for the Communist Party, The party's fortunes have continued to decline. An internal crisis has emerged marked by factionalism, breaches of discipline, and a split. the
MEMBERSHIP DOWN
Sid French, leader of the break-away New Communist Party old-timers, membership of the CPGB has sunk 10 12,000. No more than half are regularly active, according to French Morning Star sales continue to slump with a loss of 2,000 daily copies this
the year. Editor Tony Chaper Nikolai paper's expected deficit ar E187,000.
The Young Communist League is Stle more dian shadow of its former self, Jimmy Reid, John Tocher and other important leaders have left the party recently. Parte of the CP has been siriking: 18 candidates polled 30,089 votes lo the 1959 general clection. But in the Last election, 29 candidates could only total 17,426 votes, Of course all is not woe In the fortunes of the Communist Party October Articles in Comment,
fortnightly discussion bulletin, reported the largest number of CP delegares to the TUC this year; che election of three CP members on the TUC General Council, and of Joc Whelan to the secretary in the Nottingham area of the Fourth miners" union. organi- But the influence of the CPOB at the
base of the unions hus
to the shiel au
FA
The Party's
Fortunes in Decline
servative Students.
of Stalinist that paid-up
women's
puts the
The electoral Draft.
LARGER VOTES
reverse. the party's have
position of gencrai
and Belgarde
never been
decline weaker, The 'stop-go' policy pursued -based on a waiting for the lefts strategy - has thrown the Broad Left formations in the unions into deep crisis. Similar problems have met the party in the student field. The challerige of the revolutionary groups has been warded off only through an alliance with the Federation of Con-
It is true that the party has made important gains amongst intellectuals. To the lasting shame of the revolu-
war" tionary left, the CP has been able to present a face of theoretical debate, IT contrast to the coonomisin of most of the far left. A layer of women from the
liberation movernent has been attracted to this face of the CP. But the new Draft to be adopted at the Congress has made clear just how Irrelevant the party treats the views of these women. These new recruits have provided little more than a theoretical fig leaf to the reformist thrust of the
The signs of decline in the party appear under conditions where mem bers were led to expect quite the
The supposed allie of the party from the 1960s — Labour and trade union lefts like Fool, Seanlon and Jones - got their hands on strong levers of political power with Labour's election in 1974. The global policies of ise Sovier leadership for peaceful co-existence and a European Security Conference have born fruit in Helsinki
The world capstalist system is in crisis — offering the CP a chance to make comparisons with the
life of the masses in Eastern Europc and the USSR. Surely these are the kinds of things that the Parry leadership has been saying for years would lead to great advances for the CPGB. Yet the CPGB has continued to
- and the far left has continued to grow. Small groups like the International Marxist Group get much larger votes than the CP in local clections and by elections. The Socialist Workers Party and other revolutionary forces play a lading role in the anti-fascist movemeot, and are at least as evident as the CP in the Grunwick dispute
CAPACITY TO MOBILISE
In Southern Aftican solidarity work and in acher international campaigns - the far left has proven its almost equal capacity to mobilise. And even in the industrial field chere are increasing doubts about the coherence of the party's forces in a number of unions. The tens of thousands of workers who have cast their voles for union candidates with policies to the left of the CP present a growing challenge the traditional hold of the party in industry.
Party members have begun to ask brutal questions. Why does the end of the Cold War and the onset of a deep capicalist crisis lind the party plunging Into further decline? Why is it thai after CP militants played a leading role in almost every single one of the great struggles of the late 60s and carly 70s, the policies pursued have brought no overall gains whatsoever? Why have the characters on the Labour left
promoted by the party for years been ready and able to preside over the biggest cut in living standards sance the
FUNDAMENTAL QUESTIONS
Why does the long standing relationship between the Party and the Soviet leadership give nothing but problems for the party? Why does the ultra-left" grow while the party stagnates? Why does the parly get annihiliated at the poll the face of these fundariental questions, no new ideas have been advanced by the party leadership. The sane old routinist phrases have ap peared in the same enthusiastic and uplifting tone of voice that has become the hall-mark of the exccutive committee: "the new, exciting opportunities... build left unity. boost the Morning Stur..seb the new pamphier.pusn forward the price petition...
Resenteat has bred amongst rank and file party members from this kind of response. The discussion pages of Conmenr tell a story of growing frustration among the more outspoken members. Then — at the beginning of this year — came the straw that broke the hackbone of internal unity: the New Draft programme
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ideas
in Revolution isave. Now on sale. 16 pages of a le Russian Revolution Illustrated by David King's pe, PO Box 50, London NT. within the Western European CPs can be easily traced against this background. These be in the drive by the Soviet buremucracy itself
forge alliances with the European Second or War. The Popula Proer the before and antomodation to total deat accomodation democracy.
athordinate the interests of thie workers in the West to the diplomatic manouevres of the Soviet State.
Exactly the same policy was tried between 1943 and 1947 in Western Europe: When the Cold War was burchucracy pushed the Western CPs to adopt "leftist? tactics break the European bourgoolsics from the USA. But in no late 19245 ine sovier leadership again returned to a line of thorough-going class collaboration in Western Europe.
The leaderships of the Western CPs have their own particular interests distinet from those of the Soviet bureaucracy to defend
always only a means lo an end for the Soviet PULSERIO But for the leaderships of the Western CPs it became an end in itself.
The Soviet bureaucracy was not interested in the Western CPs winning power. It was
the Westem bourgeoisies. And when it hegan lo appear possible that some Western CPr
particularly pleasing prospect trom the vantage point of Moscow.
There is every
he bourgoisie better when the latter's awn chosen leaders are firmly in power.
POLITICAL INFLUENCE
But the most important question Westent CP leaders are concerned with is increasing the political influcnice of their Moscow's class collaborationist line was purco or toc saban, reenco amd britisa parties with that aim in view. During the last
the objective interests Western CP leaders and the Soviet bureautrasy huve therefore diverged.
the lesder Eins of the Wister CP: increasingly convinced that they should no have to remain silent about the violationt of
КОММУНИЗМ
(10p p&p]democratic rights in the Fast. This conviction
enormously aller
In response Moscow stimulated divisions within the Westers CPs. The paradoxical Itsull is Mascoa's readiness to use lefi sounding phrases to try to disrupt che internal life of the Western CP:
Moscow's broader and broader colnhorafion with the bourgoois foroes against which the Western CPs "The lein current side the CP is not a
break from Stalinism. It is an expression of obeside of Stalinist tactic Soviet been subordinate in Western Europe sincetbe
leadership of the CPGB is also a current which can trace its lineage back ultimately to
the new Draft does not differ from the thrust of the 1951 programme which was vetted by Stalin personally.
The tacit link between two trends
The bartle between the two trends inside Le Crud nas raised a great cell or anterest among revolutionary Marxists outside Lle Dar, Large numbers Di socialist mincant have steered clear of the CP, but have not alternative at the present time. Many are revolutionary
possibility that eiber trend inside the party hasstarted tobreak with the past and come up
revolutionary alternative co social deino cratic reformist?
If the answer to this question is "yes", we would be on the chreshold of an important advance for the Marxist moveneat in this
Druft must number at militants — incuding the ranks of the NCP. And the Eurocommunist foroes in the party are even larger
Both currents contain very experienced socuss i cuner wing wos real swinging towards revolutionary Marxise a comp realignment of the left in Britain would be
are Congress could be remembered as a historic turning point for the better
The ideological keniet of both wings -
points of agreement
laner coberence with UNBRIDGEABLE GULF
ideological
TE TanSION CO SOCIAL
unattractive terminology.
exactly what they
THOSE CAESAL democracy in general.
runming throush the various struggle
the term
monopoly of taster Europe and he Usi
NEW STATE
proletarian democracy, by
apparatus lacement hy a nee
council,
Еле писІСцЯ
Communise Party.
the invasion of
primacy of the self-activity class in the transition to socialism,
lonzons of bourgeois democrac At the same time,
communist conceptions current in ne Why has the idealogical crisis
CPs not produced a return to Marxist conceptions?
Other pressures cannot be overlooked
DEMOCRATIC RIGHTS
lictatorship in the USS radical break with che
viahit
masses can
Jdicas for.
Hierarchical, bureaucratic form
state ischi with the other institutions
I thousand
advanced socials in t USSE
their fundamcatal ideas about the transition
• must be assessed toanswer this Formal. guestion Has hot chough to hod isolated
with revolutionary Marxist politics and hope for the best about the rost. The voveroine idcas ol cach curren Stalinism - theideas thar give each particular point an
other aspects of
The battle-field between the two tenden cies were basic ideas are concentrated is the debate around she concept of the dicratorship of the proletariat. Here both tendeocies have lo give a concentrated expression to their fundamental views on the transition to
voters and activiste to
wo inescapable facts appear, First, ther
an unhridgeable gulf betwoes tbe tw
insofar as cach maintains
completely from the other. Secondly, both not the endencies share a cummon rejection of th
undamental ideas of classical Marxism o
The Eurocommunists reject the concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Some WHO ICO UNCHS, IS TO MISLE BITTEE bourgeoisie if need he That tractive terminings. be bolder ther some rather HANG COIN THE SOULS SODE ERECOR
are They are replacing the struggle for the dietarorship of
struggle Whatever form
Thisis evident in the new Draft. Butitisnot
the matter is expressed when the Draft states
is the 'common threat leading role
The other wing of the party proclaims its
'dictatorship of the roletarial. Hut it interners the term to mean a State where a monolithic party bolds a
political power, able to use torce arturarily against its poutical oppo sents. In other words, the dictatorship of
proletariat means the political reality of
parliament
[ the dictatorshin of tl proletariat developed by Marx and Lenin. a decisive choice. and embraced by revolutionary Marxists today. This means the dictatorship as a
definition en the the old state, THE DuENTICEIT The is rei or be he sate the worse
representative democracy in which a plurality of political precise thines: the aw
Forthe Eurocommunists the nucleus of the
bureaucratic parliamentary state of bourge ois society. For the opponents of tbe new
of the new enshrined in the Brezhney Constitution: the decision
politically
So both wings reject the idea thar the crux of the struggle against capitalism is the fight to make the working class the class which tioning,
Both reject tbe of the working confined to parliament which extends beyond the appears
ke utopian anarchism to the Eurocon tbese plilars.
The vision offered by their opponcots is in many respects a regression from the political mains won by the working class under capitalism. Only a lormalistic attachment to names could lead one to interpret their basic relink ine in feel years in the Wett
maverient stands LASSICS Why has the main trend been lowards social-democralic 1dcas on on the transition to socialism? This is often explained as a straightforward capiculation to the pressures of boured socily. Those must give pressures have undoubtedly been strong. But definite political form
embodying a higher
mentary
In its own way, lie Eurocommunists
Jeblogical position masks the bureaucrat
A thorougl twin challense
recessary it a classical Marxist approach is to be adopted. All the democratic rights legally higher political a man can Tale eris in 12
exercise rem . is a rouchstone of a workers" state. And the state machinery itself would no longer have a left government.
It would have a pogular character - even in the bed: of army, police, and the legal apparatus. The
would be witbering away - along of bumanity s revolutionary Marxism. pre-history — like the family, the division between mental and manual labour, and so
Bur, by making their goal the strugele for democrucy in general, the Eurocommunists debate avoid the head-on ideological confrontation with the Soviet reality which classica Marxism requires. A return to Mars and
such an analysi hallast of the Soviet bureaucracy out of the water. Nothing would be left of the talk o
The Parocommunists can presently simply
Page ill
advance on the existing political reality tbere, bet an utterly superficial challenge te
PARLIAMENTARY MAJORITY
Views on the dictatorslipof tbe proletariat
current's entire concertion Of the nature of the stucet
against capitalism and theroleof the workin
lass. Contemporary social democrats see th
instrumentto introdopesocialism. Forthem. the role of the working class is reduced to
That's bow the preconditions for socialism
• large perliamentary majority are achieved according to social democrats
the work of the transition as being carried out by the Party
working class, bor the bourgeois State All and sundrv will ne maninuinred re service of the bearer mate retin the class.
carers of absolute truth, the
The party may use violence against the
It may even use
terminology of Stalinism - against enemie within the working class, It may engage in CHECHEC THE WHER BE BuT geois state apparatus, or even within the mass organisations of the workers movement
of struggle the party
more than an adjunct to the party. brezhneviles assien to the worcers the dirt
work for the great glory of the party an
Eurocommunistsalso reject the idea of the primacy of the creative setf-activity of the working masses in the struggle for socialism. WHAC WERE SAMN OILTS THE MAD Brezhnevites, their formulations do not have a dear, unambiguous character. They talk
the struggle in and around parliament for a
eft majority and a left goverament; and th
ressure of the mass movement corsi
Yet all historical experience shows chat when capitalism plunges into a revolutionars
It will be fighting both terrains. but it must he clear which i
the working class on this question all is lost.
works within the twin pillars of bourgeois legality and power:
detends individua the property rights against the masses; it take the capitalist cconomy out of the politica arena and makes working class challeng to private property criminal matters to be
Represenacive demo masses from political making. The active only under complete the military bureaucratics state machine: voting, pet-
lobbying parading lines of police-all this is the sum total of mas politics the real struzcle must b
Yet, in every single revolutionary crisis, one mass have darecuy chanenged bout
They have shaken capitalist proper with control commit up: amons, workers control committees, fence pickets against police attacks, etc They have also burst through the bureaucr alic integument of representative demo
This is what the e mass movement b
o bourgoos legaury and parliamentar legirimacy stand on one side and the mas
on the other. In this division lies the decisive question of clas power The counter revolution fights the sogan "individual freedom and demo
must the workers" movement give?
this mass self-activity a -workers council autbority than "CO! cramped democracy of capitalisio; in order to undermine the dominance pi paris
authotityit must prepare advance che transitional objective or the
use parliamentary strength to devclop these
What do the Eurocommunists do? They reject the need to give the mass moverbent
form than parliament.
They relent transional demands Lor Чтmediate and democratic ones
Trik oceant. The fore momenar
inovement suhordinated to this task. The Iogic of this programme is an accomodation to counter
Meete in the directen an the CP will evolve in the direction
Resurgence of Marxist
Many Marxises may be dissatisified with
which leaves matters here. And they will be right. The analysis althout regaine much amender. le without requiring much amendment. Over the last decade there has boen one very
SOCIALIST CHALLENGE SUPPLEMENT 10 November
bie chanse insidethe Communist Parter ther has been a resurgence of Marxist debate great deal of positive theoretical work o valie to the revolutionary Marist lest ha
I guard of Stalinis ideologues of the Klagman-Berty Matthew variety cannot be given muth credit for this development. It would be more accurate to the influx of Marxist ideas from outside the Party, The last decade has seen a tremendous
Britain — a resuti of the twin ideologicel rises of bourgeois thought and Stalinism intellectani rey at has been the journal No The main Left Review. And the Communist Part much to the dismay of the people lik Fergus Nicholson, has opened its door to a very large numher of Marxist intellectual
These intellectuals are not at all attracted hy the CP's Stalinist pedigree. Olier factors
to discussion, its implactation in the working
and af alternatives. Thechoice seems to bean utterh THESE ABOUT RESIDES DEEDE TIME Statesman and Tribune or a Teatskyist lef still heavily marked by sectarianismo, In the late 1960, Tratskyis groups chibited genuinely ultra-left tend
in the prevailing atmosphere of
WOMEN'S MOVEMENT
Nowhere has the CP' snew openness and its
than in the movensent. The Communist -Parly breakthraugh. In debates on the questions of women's liberation — as well as in socie others — the militants of the revolutionary
ofthe ideological Lifeoftbe P governing canceptions of the Eurocommu libere are many views in the CP
on the
streagth in conditions where so much of the debate on left as a whole is really very new. Within this diversity, one current of opinio has become Increasingly pronounced: the view that since the overthrow of capitalism
of women, the struggle for liberation can be treated largel from problems of i the atruggle for working clas:
The key activity hecomes the exposure of domination in capitalise society. Politically this entails the fight for women's rights anc attitudes in the working clas. The need to struggle democratise and reform the division Labour within the family is also included.
ESCOTICE conquest of poser by the working class doe not automatically usher in the liberation of
will be a massive: anc protracted light against the poisonau deological baggage of the previous mode of production — not kast within theranks ol the workers themselves. Such a battle will have 1c be led by the mass organisations of the women's movement itsell.
SOCIALIST FEMINISTS
This means that socialist feminists should be clearly defined within the present women's HACTABE movertent respecting democracy, but nevertheless arguing for tbe movement to aim its mass actions cowards a united light for women's liberation movement on the part of the working class movement as a whale The nature of the workers sai Jor wach we are go hecomes a burning issue for the struggle for wotien's. liberation, acoordug to l
approac
This is where the connection is eviden between the discussion on woren's libera
the Euroconmubists. Instead of spelling out the radically new type of workers scare
against women's oppression, new Druft offers a vision which does not CALEND ECHOIN DOES DAL.
The Draft singles out one specific feature of women's oppression their inck
fundamental prohlems of women can be dealt with through a series of retorios to
with an ideological struggle against sexism The Draft mentions the role of women in th
family structires oppressive relations betweeti isen and women
The objective of abolishing the family and the social proconditions to do so — are ¿latingly abseet. Instead the perspective is to
within a still existing institution of the family,
REJECTS MARISM
The ideological root of this evasion lies in rejecting the classical Marxist conception o
through the witheringaway of the state and the bourgeois family, and replacing it with a conception of ibe strugale for democracy in general.
Page 4 scan of this page
Party one one in on alone in the eaten ner air lete in ad as older on the the durian te
aesountable to their militant base. Today Congress of the Communist Party do not composed of such routinist figures as Ten
The dialectical relationship between the conquest of power by the working class and
for women's liberation is A reduction of both to horizons of an absiract democracy is all that remains.
A similar pattern appears when the Draft
the relationshin between women's liberation movement and the current struggle against capitalism. This dialectical link is also broken by many CP women who leap from the truth that the beration of women will not be automatic, so ine falschood that liberation movement should be a broad movement of cultural and struggle separated from the postical problems of the struggle for
struggle agninst sexism to perform a deft theoretical trick. They for the whole itself. part of the whole
First, the rale of the women's liberation
I banned. Then references to Gramsci belp to declare that the fundamental struggle in the fight for socialism is not the political struggle, but this ideological struezie.
IDEOLOGICAL POWER
ower is not in the end decisively a political.
women's liberation movement is abscured and the assimilated to their neo-reformist project.
There is a double-sided reality Marxist debates within the CPGB today.
vital questions as the oppression of women and the family raises important issues which revolutionary Mars. Its outside the Party have not tackled.
On the other side, the closer these debates touch the real ideolorical hackbone of the Eurocommunist oublook, the more they are contained and diluted to fit conceived aradualist schema. The political implications of this ideological containment are not always obvious in the practice of a small party like the CPGB.
They become a good deal clearer in the operatione of the Eurocommanists" men for, the Italian Communist Party, In Italy the concrete meaning of the struggle for
dren the ice prepared been metty
altar of "democratic
ah the Christian Democracy, It
Party on the streets - defying the positions of their party's leaders.
The Line of the CPGB
The real strategic conception of Eurocommunis inclined leadershin of the CPGB, subordinates the mass movement to the struggle for a left government with a nar stochloEs malors, Everything else ts in with this conception. The CP replaces a ser of transitional demands fot the movement with a mixture assorted gos ernment reforms, and democratic demands for the mass moveBILLS.
The party muddles the issue of class unit in action with political relations with lett
Revolutionary Marxists struggle for united action of the entire class
round every Issue. however Only through such united action can the working class advance
social democrats of all shades should he pulled into such anited action
semiting programmatic struggle must
aged with le social democracy over the ams, and the most appropriate means tor carrying the struggle forward.
The CP leadership STADICALS single
leadership bold hack mass struseles to a comfortable point for Labour Party. The trade union buresucracy
with its own interests — is ignored by the Draft. The political struggle in the trade Domestic: 6 months, £3.75; 12 months £7.50 Abroad: Airmail, E12.50, Surface, £9 per annum, Nume Address
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tween team anions
the cracy within the
Draft.
STRATEGIC CONCEPTS
However,
women's
ideological
More inpenious Eurocommunist theorists tation of the strategic line?
ideological in the trade union field have substituted a
sovement is reduced to a purely cultural the same way that its operations do in th
trade unions.
with the In Place of Strife uproar In the cnd, Labour had
For these Eurocommanists, bourgeois section of its cabinet. The Tory government
tate power, but an ideological power. So richts of trade unionist
mowerment is munancousy the entire campolen assinst the Industrial
in the conspiracy laws used to balding workers bickers In every one militants played a
Communist Party ille called The Liaison
the pre
LACK OF MILITANCY?
Charge doe not volved in th advance" and unity forced
were given by Costmunist Parts
strategy for socialism?
Communist the sents the history of chis namely the one laid down by
mass wing of the Party.
Immediate and The Party bad two broad
out the unions
for a definite programme of immediate. have used the mass movement
but an leaderships
LEFT BUREAUCRACY af *left
the lefts in the counter-posed
conditions the
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Cheques, POs and Money Orders should be made payable to 'Socialist Chullenge'.
one-dimensional - beand right. And programmatic
mass organisations - - and in the course of the mass strugle of applied in different ways tactically, Where
party some leeway in its relations with th
union leaderships? What has heen the executive committee's interpre-
The answers to these questions are found
- IN LOCUS DILI
does on the electoral front or in its general base political work puts to the test its politics in
In the mid-1960s the leadership of Britain's two biggest unions swung to the left. Scanion and Jones rose to power. The Labour Government attempted to quatlaurely weaken toe trage union movement thanks to appetite From the reind a make returned with a concerted atlack on the
Great battles followed → the miners' strike, the fight to free the Pentonville Five.
Relations Act, and the fight against the
Rail Shrewsbury
of these struggles, CP leading part, and many, they plaved the Codine bat. T
created rank co-ordinating hody Committee for the Detence ol ine trade Unions - ls conferences at the end of the 1960s and in the
considerable support from the shop floor leaders throughout the trade union move-
The CP is sometimes criticised for lack of
beft. apply to CP members struggle against the Tory government These attacks rightly produce good deal of contempt when they reach the ears of Communist shop floor militant (althouch these some meitsels bove seen loo many ex-Cocamunists pass through the party on the way to soft seats at the top).
The Teal issue is not the mitsics or to CP trade unionists, but the direction they
King Street. How did the SCCR transform the victories won in mass struggle into long term gains foe the entire left? Hon did it link these mass struggles to the overall
pre-
itsell. This is never the case. There are always opton and real rensions seemed to bave developed over the choices made, between the Party unions. leadership and sections of the industrial which
choices. It The could have develored the LODIE icta a structured rank and file movement through-
not substituting for
measures lo
defend trade union rights and working class
AUCHA TH HITCRUS agains: the Tories, to encourage CP militants within it
not least, time apparatuses of the unions and into the
The CP Icadership Thier posed to cathe her. not ally
each
principie. oossible lo do both. But in the
unions then, these alternatives tended to contradict each other.
political extendi
battle. ideas
the sance aped by sation and one e reason explains why: the stance adoptee
Act. In its initial stages they were happy to see the LCDTU stick its neck out and start he mohilisations. Such Jefts were abso prepared to help case the restrictions on CP
members occupying leading positions in
occasions, and to say a few kind words conduct its attains in Ireland accept an open beted and to tatue of the l They were not, however, movement within their union
that recruit new supporters and extend thei
come an independent power-centr
contains become more pole
And the lefts can quite quickly find the relations with thei i militant base turned
levers, they could be
several constituency parties have begun to
their MPS accountable to rectoes. Rank and The matements in th unions could acquire this same power to
balled drop members of union leaderships from
especially if these rough-shod over the democratically grocd programmine of the movement.
The work of Communist Party militants in building up the LCDTU gave the party
the opportunity to construct such a ra
and file moverent on the model of the ol
Minority Movement created by the CPGR
movement could have won the backing o handreds of thousands of workers,
The CP has been capable of building just such rank and file movement around a definite programme when engages anions. The Balding Worker wine in tbe
prepared the early 1970 building
leaders cost haver
could have constructed a -nowertil rank and file force ready to lay ar open, organised challenge to the cura-about
copolion are sail Conte at lefis when Labour came to
Contract wage controls, the millions of unemployed,
which have taken place since the war.
could have greacly swelled th
anks of the CP itself in industr
Such a left turn would not necessur My bave implied a stracegic break with the STILY STROLLIDE COULd SIOUS MaTE Involved a decision by the leadership to make a tactical left rurn, strengthen its base
Chen reconsolate it: anancs wire the lens trom a new poston of. strength. The French CP leadership Is currently demonstrating Mexibility enough for such rash oil turns
Bart Ramelson and his colleagues on the executive of the CPB were totally lacking
Pm. What has been the result? The such CP bas certainly strengthened its number o
cading officials in the higher councils o the trade union movemem
Bur the Party been able to block the sharp right turn by the lefts. And K5 real
influence amongst the mass workers has not been transformed since the
membership figures and Morning Star sales militants of the marty have paid a heavy anything price for the narrow routinise and lack o imagination of King Street.
sin and lack of revolutionary
even where the cherished relation
directly expressed: the Irish question. Even
our a tactical left turn on issues contrally affecting relacions with the letts,
the the leadership could bave at lenst presented
sch real me fiestal el he detes be tel of the train people to
internationa! solidarity.
Relations self-determination
The Party movernent for the troops. But no. With a concern for being responsible and leadership abandoned all pretence at a class
Little wonder that the Soviet barenocracy
fatuity of the leaderhip's attitude. What 1s the puint of a Party which is riny in national political terms showing bow responsible' it is to the leaders of British capitalisin? Wha
ill it gain oul of its praction proposa
above all support for the Peace moverent? Little more than contempt from all sides.
The Future of the Party
The New Draft programme and the 35th
both the Eurocommunist wing and the Brezhnevites is new.
The
spread EEEEEEEEEEEE
Thare can Brezhnevites will be soundly defeated. This
can create a profound disequilibriam within
che narty. The entire operation of We Part leadersbip since the lavasion of Crechoslo wakia has been to hold both Each have been asrned of the dire threa! From the other
The significance may wel be thar the Horoemmunist wing
may call the leadership's bluft — and go 1o
a fight to the finish with those who are Fo
the principled course for the leadership to follow. But without a Breebnevite threat, how could one prevent a pandora's bor Charter
The real scake at this Congress is not the wards that are enshrined in the programme and those that are rejected. The crus is whether the leadership re-establish a temporary new squilibrium Arter TheatrES crisis will proceed apace. This is, of course a matter of great concern not only co Party membership, but to che entire Britist! left.
The British Communist And, product of 50 sears of Stalinism,
steady decline historical tradition, organisation into which many of the most dedicated Marxist militants in Britain have devoted tacit Lives over
In the ahsence of a stronger revolutionary alternnive co the CPGB. that beganisation's disintegration
right among minny present members of Lie Party. Such a prospect pleases only nitra left
A double tragedy faces CP militance: a leadership bent on progressive liquidation to that leadership which offers nothing bu the dead-end of caregenerate Stalinism
The CPQB has no prospect of becoming a mess party like its counter-parts on the pontinent. It is a small cadre organisation of ova cot strength to the prearisatsons ar the revolutionary left in France, Spain or Italy: The CPGB has
unions, but its trade union foroes have ar industrial increasingly tenupus relationsbip to the real pollica life of the party
And purside the trade union field, the CPGB has a weaker political capacity thar
continent, Like the French Fourch International, the CPOB has a daily
tabilising ability ou the strocts is wencer
Sid French to CPGB's active militars are about the sam
Pago iv could have organised witbdrawal of British parties, the CHOR leadership presents the
practical" C BUT THIS attitude. Its role remains to give advice to of its smallness, without the British imperialist state a to bow best to advantages of a genuine policient alternative
burenacracies. belraval I's the witer
shout troops barracks, a Bill of Rights, and the lett bureaucrac
tactical turn
represent anything fundamentally new. But Chater, Bert Ramelson and George Mati
the pend the increased gresses of lied nical mores All teen
Eurocommunist 26233903
class, mental
arithmetical
Party
theinselves Che be liule doubt that the vey large
wings in line. away by the neo-Stalinists of the 35ui Congress
emerge
the membershipi lar decade:
will be able to
For whether the Parts 35tb Parly Congress
Party is
many decades practica mould pro.
an opposition
crisis, members within the socialist action believed the
SOCIALIST CHALLENGE SUPPLEMENT 10 November
number as the militants of the Spanis section of the Fourth Internationa And - unlike such orranisations, the CEGB is D the decline. And while these revolutionary
erganisations offer a global alternative the nroeramme and strategy of the ma
Party as nothing more than an adjunct to The Penals without any or te
to reformists enjoyed by the revolutionary
Temporary suocesses for the Italian an TELL LOADIUILSE THE HA may provide momentary relief for the CPGB. Problems
cased by an electoral defeat for
strnin out of the Party's relationship with
ROUTINIST FIGURES
acist turn the nury mist Pars
leadership. But an Execulivo Commitro
only sbort-term palliatives.
the new openness of the party to discussion
with groups on the revolutionary left. A far as the party membership is concerned the old Stalinist sectarianism holds less and
In our sew the task of Marisis Bricain is to work towards the conseraction of a new, unified revolutionary Marxis
La principled agreement on funda programmatic issues, and
MCMIS TRICO MCCARE MACIECES
can correct mistakes, learn from theri an
debate out policy cboie
No such party exists at nresent and th IMG will certainly not become it through
recruitment of ever larger numbers of individuals. A really revolution. ary party will be constructed through aros and calignest or fores tir dran ¡plisical clarit together forces at present in the Labour
along with th lose around the CPOB the SWP and the IMG.
PARTY OF THE FUTURE
Brirish left grouns traditionally proclain
of socialists today are
only too well aware thar this is pure bluff at
of the C.PGB is whether forom arise within the party desiring to pull its membership
kadership's right-ward
pourse and away from the dead-end offered
Swedish Communist Party
organisation split carlice this sear along the Horncommont: Neo Stalinist Line If the
within the British Party the
prospecis for a principled regroupment c
revolutionary Marxis party will be in
measurably brighter than they have
more bey do their the challenge face
challenge facio those members of the CPGB who consider
themselves anti-Stalinis revolutionary
Marxiss and Leninists during and after the
STIONARY
ING
SOCIALISM
REVOL
A PAMPHLET of the Inter national Marxist Group which pinpoints the nature of the exposes bankruptcy of the capitalist sys tem which produced it. and puts forward a revelutionary programme
Price 25p plus 10p pap Five or more copies post free (Cash with order All orders to Relgocrest. 32B/9 Upper Street, London N.1
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