Socialist Challenge No. 39, Special Trade Union Supplment, 30 March 1978
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Socialist Challenge Trade Union Conference
THE UNIONS:
WHERE TO FROM HERET
Saturday, 1 July, 10.30am Digbeth Civic Hall, Birmingham
(creche provided)
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"We need a new Minority Movement today'
SOCIALIST CHALLENGE supplement 30 March 1978 page 2
the unions.
interest against the claims of individual groups. THE LABOUR Government has got away with things the Tories only dreamed of because it has won important political battles.
When the firefighters went on strike to defend their living standards, Callaghan and Co claimed that the issue was the future of the Labour Government. If the firefighters were allowed lo break ten per cent. other workers would follow.
The Liberals would withdraw their support. The Government would fall. The Tories would return.
In order to deal with such arguments, un alternative to the Social Contract is required. It is useless to argue a 'specin case as did the Fire Brigades Union leaders. TRETEY Isolates those workers engaged in strugale.
The Government simply replies: "If we stick together with the Social Contract we all make sacrifices today, But they will be small compared to the gains for everyone tomorrow. So don't rock the boat, don't struggle, Jim'll fix
Such arguments have a real attraction to workers not involved in struggle, when they stand to make no gains from
Unfortunately, even those like the Leyland toolroom workers who took action in the face of massive opposition from their own union leaders as well as the Government, lance to connor these arguments head on. They tried to avoid the question of the Social Contract Dy taking their stand on another "special case' that skilled worker should maintain differentials.
But this made it very difficult to win support for their strike action, because within the framework of the Social Contract their interests appeared to run quite counter to those of semi-skilled and unskilled workers.
LEAP FROGGING
The toolmakers' response was not a new one. It was the way workers struggled in the 1960s. When the press
used to complain about socalled leap
frogging. what they were
referring to: one group of workers
See you at the Conference!
SOCIALIST CHALLENGE Is culling
= trade anion conference. We have
approached Socialist Voice and Big
Flame newspapers to Jointly SOOTSOE
the conference on the hasis of broad
agreement with the perspective outlined
in this broadsheet.
The conference is mot designed to
establishi a new body in opposition to
other organisations of the left. It will
provide a forum where militeets can
exchange expericaces. Discussion will
centre on how to fight for a anited
democratic orgunisation to struggle
against the class collaborationist right
wing for policies in the interests of
workers and for a union leadership
prepared to carry these our.
FOUR YEARS of Labour Government have put to the lest the strategies of all those claiming to represent the interests of the working class. Labour has managed to implement the very policies which had led Heath's Tory administration to defeat at the hands of
Callaghan and company have borrowed shamelessly from the Tories and Liberals their talk of the need to defend the 'national'
As ever, this amounts to nothing but defending the bosses general interests against those of the workers. They have clubbed together with the Liberals in the Lib-Lab pact to show how sincere they are in
going into struggle for parity followed by another to maintain differentials.
That was all very well in the "60s Wages kept ahead of prices. There wa "full employment'. The social services were expanding. Women gained Increased rights, such as the 1967 Abortion Act, and despite low pay were encouraged to seck employment. such a time, the idea of looking afler the little things and letting the big things look after themselves appeared quite credible.
With the prescat massive attacks on living standards, and on issues such a racism and restrictions of women s rights, we can no longer rely on the methods of the last decade. These "big questions are ignored at our peril, The Grunwick strikers found that even a fight for trade union recognition has Involved a head on confrontation with the State.
The crisis Is not of the workers' making, Why should we take responsibilicy for it through wage restraint?
We must campaign to break the Social
BREAK PACT
The Liberals did not join the Lib-Lab pact to defend the interests of the workers. They did so to prop up me Government's anti-working class policies. The pact must be broken, A united fightback can only emerge if we take a clear stand on such issues. But It is not enough to fight against the Government's policies. We must also put forward alternative policies socialist policies, which can provide lasting gains for the working class from its struggies.
Everyone knows that a strike fos higher wages is very difficult to win.
But it can be done. The British Oxygen workers won 26 percent. But with inflation running in double figures this will soon he eroded. Workers have to run to stand automatic cat of living cases can Demands provide lasting gains and represent part of a socialist alternative to Labour's Social Contract.
In the face of the racist onslought of the Tories and the fascists, the Labour engage in debate about how many blacks should he kept out of COOLE Bricain. But black people are no more responsible for the crisis than are white workers. We must insist on the repeal of all inuigration laws and an end to Porticalar emphasis will be placed on drawing out lessons from the Grunwick and Tirelgalers to how militants can suppart and feht for socialist policies in the context of such strugeles.
We will he discussing campaigas for socialist policies to: i for moment standards against racism, for women rights, and for democrsey in the And we will be discussing the general COMMIS that can he drawn desciopments in particular and anions for the fight for u dans struggle left-wing the labour movement as a whole.
for the crisis Reactionary attacks on women's rights must be met with a real commitment to policies for free abortion on demand, adequate bursery facilities, paid maternity leave and so on. Such lemands are summed up in Working Women's Charter.
The example of the Charter holds out other lessons. It has become policy in a number of unions. The whire-collar section of the Engineering Union,
ASS, 10 was quick to
launched any real fight around its demands: and parcel of ans campnign for socialist policies in the unions must be a fight for a leadership prepared to support and furtber mass action to win them.
Rank and file militants have shown their enthusiasm for uniting discussing the policies for launching che fightback. When called to take action by their leadership they esponded - like the 80,000-strong
emonstration again cuta. in
ovember 1976. When there appear to be viable forums for discussing policies and organising around them they have been quick to rally around them. Three thousand delegate atteaded the Assembly on Unemploy February 9h1 conference of the February conference of the Liaison Committee for the Defence of
similar number attended the "Leyland TUC" in March last year,
OPPOSITIONS
Steps towards building organisel oppositions to the right wing have advanced in a number of unions. The Broad Left in the Civil Service Union adopted at its last conference fighting policies and an open democratio structure All tendencies are free to operate inside it and put forward their ova positions. Minority positions are represented on its leading bodies and jo its journal. On this basis, it successfull led the fight against right-wing assaults on union democracy at the recent CPSA rules revision conference.
The Socialist Teachers Alliance in the National Union of Teachers is a smail but important development. It secks to involve left-wing teachers democratic opposition and fights for united actioo with other left tendencie in the union. Smaller class struggle tendencies have been set up in the National Union of Public Employees and in the Confederation of Heall Service Emplayees.
All Over the country, support committees for the Grunwick strike organised effective solidarily grouping local activists to fight for
support in the local labour movement
Such steps nood development and extension into other arens and wooDs.
The objective must be the creation of a
class strugsle left wing in the labour movement as a whole.
Faced with a similar situation to that of today. socinlist activists in the 1920 formed the Minority Movement. This
movement was able to act as an
organising centre for struggle as well as
waging a fight against the right-wing leadership.
We need our Minority Movement from today. Not a carbon copy of something
that existed 50 years ago. Bul
movement, organised and democratic.
prepared to fight for socialist paticies
and a leadership prepared to carry them
carrying out the wishes of the ruling class.
Under Labour Social Contrac, She working class has beep forced to pay for a crisis not of out making. Real wages have falled by 12.5 per cent. Social services bave been cut by £3.5 billion. Dole queues have grown longer than sit any time since the "30s. Fascist organisations like the National Front have won recruits as some workers have turned to their racist Government has helped create conditions in which the fascists can thrive; and its racist immigration control lend eredibility to fascist: -and now also Tory - claims that blacks are somehow to blame
the and
have TO
DEALS
'solutions'. The
NO!
PRODUCTIVITY
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The backbone of Labour's policies
Trade Union Leaders
THE TRADE UNION leaders have been the backbone of support for Government policies — from the Social Contract to immigration controls. Not only have former lefts" like Jones, Scanion and Daly failed to oppose the Government's atlacks; they have actively assisted themt.
Other leaders, like NUPE's Alan Fisher — who opposed the cuts divided the struggle of public sector workers from those in private industry by supporting the Social Contract, The fight against the cuts was fragmented by the failure to organise nationally
TRiBUNAL DO NOT WoRRY
US
WE DUNT CARE WHAT
THEY SAY
DUT SiDE TRiCO WE VILL
STOP
TILL WE GET EQUAL
PAY
after the massive day of action on 17 November 1976.
Leaders of unions in the private sector used a similar 'divide and rule policy: Instead of fighting the Social Contract, they took their stand on defence of differentials, thereby dividing low-paid and better-paid workers:
DIVISION
Divisions on sex lines are sharpened by the demand for "women our first" in the event of redundancies, while the TUC's failure to campaign for a ESD minimum wage has hit particularly hard at low-paid women workers.
Failure to take up policies to fight for the right to work threatens to divide the employed from the unemployed, And
the support of many union leaders for immigration controls and the racist "voucher" system deepens. divisions song racial Junes.
The trade union leaders have imposed the Government's policies on the rank and file through blatant assaults on trade umon democracy, Before last September's Trade Union Congress, Hugh Scanion and his cronies in che Engineering Union leadership refused Committee to vote on the 12 months recall AUER'S atsong! rule.
When it came to Congress, Scanlon ignored the position previously lakco by his National Committee in support of free collective hargaining and spite of the opposition of the AUEW delegation meeting cast the union's vote in favour of the rule.
Jack Jones announced in advance that if Congress adopted the rule, the Transport and Ceneral Workers Union would loyally carry out the will of the majority: the majority of the TUC thai is, not of the TGWU!
The TUC leadership, however, did not consider themscives similarly constrained. Despite Congress's rejection of the 10 percent limit, they refused to support the firelighters and
The Communist Party
The Broad Left
UNDER HEATH and even Wilson, the Liaison Committee for the Defence of the Trade Unions was associated with all the most important trade union battles.
Against In Place of Strife, the Industrial Relations Bill, and incomes policy; for the freeing of the Pentonville Five, and, belatedly, In the struggle to free the Shrewsbury building workers.
In the last few years, however, the Liaison Committee and Broad Left formations have utterly failed to organise any resistance to the Labour Government's attacks.
The Assembly on Unemployment in spring 1976 passed a resolution culling for the setting up of local committee aothing was done. The Liaison Committee conference in 1977 also called for local LCDTUs — again mothing happened. After calling a Duy of Action on 20 April las year, the Leyland 'TUC' failed to mobilise even Leyland
The Socialist Workers Party
Rank and File
THE CONFERENCES and activities of the Socialist Workers Party-inspired Rank and File groupings have been fuelled by the loss of prestige of the Liaison Committee
In sharp contrast to the LCDTU, Rank and File has stood for a real fightback against the Labour Government'sattacks.
The Right to Work conference in November 1976 attracted some 750 labour movement delegates. The Kank and Pile Co ordinating Committee conference last November was rather smaller, with just over 500 delegates.
But Rank and File with its - We are the left' stance, has been unable to make any real headway from the crisis in the Liaison Committee. Both Rank and File and the Right to
Work Campaign have consistently claimed to be far more
powerful than they actually are; in reality, neither represent
more than a small minority of even those who have been previously mobilised by the Liaison Committee.
What is required is a real struggle to unite with militants
who have traditionally supported the LCDTU fraudulent claims and posturing. Instead their claisus have been increasingly absurd. When the Rack and File conference called a one-day strike in support of the fire-
lighters, Socialise Worker declared: We are the rank and
file'; that noching could be further from the truth was
demonstrated when nobody at all hooded the strike call.
The increasing isolation brought upon Rank and File b
such claims and the consequent Join us or be damneo
ultimatums has made the SWP chink again. The "front'
Image of the Runk and File groupings must he "weakcoed"
the call for a campaien against the "guidelines". And they failed to act on the Congress decisions on TE C Grunwick dispute.
The prize for the most blatant manoeuvres of the year must be reserved for the right-wing majority on the miners' union executive. First, Ley decisions on the wage claim and incentive scheme through a national ballot. Then, when they lost the ballot, they overturned the decisions anyway!
AUTONOMY
In other unions, the leaderships have attempted to make permanent inroads into nine democracy throuch rule changes. In the National Union of Teachers, an assault on the autonomy of local branches has outlawed
action. In AUW WILGHSCRISHIKC (TASS) - the Engineering Union's white-collar section - delegates to conference are no longer to be ciected by branches but by dIVISIOOs
In the AUEW, afficials will now be clected by postal ballot. And attempts to democratise unions like APEX and the Elecincians Unob. which are already short on democratic pro-
workers themselves. in fact,
against strike action on the day.
DELIUS alternative bosses"
-propose moons and occanons
working class.
Such calls are woefully inadequate
leaders. To believe.
cuckon land.
socialist policies. doing so.
SOCIALIST CHALLENGE supplement 30 March 1978 page 3
ALAN FISHER: divides -ING pubiic sector Trom workers private
cedures, have been fought tooth and To safcguard harmonious participation in British Leyland's job-cutting Edwardes plan, Transport and Geocra Workers Union officials have initiated a full scale witchunt against elected Cowley assembly plant conveer Bob Fryer and deputy convenor Alan BOLICE Leyland convener and prominent CP member Derek Robinson actively fought
The policies put forward by these conferences were in general simple repetitions of the Alternative Economic Policy of the Tribune group of Labour MPs: reflation of the economy, Import contreb, und the like. A fight around
would effectively die workers to an solution" to the crisis, rather than mobilising workers in a fight for socialist policies against the employers and the Government. The CP leadership. usual, provided no opportunity for amendments to their
Behind these tightly stage-manuged conferences and their adoption of weak-kneed resolutions lies the CP's notion of left unity". For them, this meuns an alliance with the left' trade union and labour leaders. Bat the activity of these "letts' has been so spincless that in order to gain an alliance with theim it is necessary to sacrifice the interests of the they have declared. This is certainly a step in the right direction. But to provide a vehicle for a genuine broad unity in action, their 'front" character would have to be buried rather than weakened and their structures democratised to permit open debate on the pollcies that are required. Rank and File has never developed a clear set of policies by which the working class could make lasting gains from its struggles. It has limited itself to calls for more militancy It is not the working class's lack of militancy which har been the main problem, It has been the lack of clear alternative policies to those of the trade union and labour
ASON BEETLE November's Rank and File conference, that "1f you look after the licle things, the big things will look after themselves"; that all is well if milicancy is maintained in day-to-day strugeles in the workplace — is to live in cloud
Otber groups, such as the Campaign for Democracy in the Labour Movement backed by the Workers Socialist Lengue share with Socialist Challenge a commitment to clear The CLM, unfortunately, does not understand the need to fight for bese policies through unity in action with supporters of the Liaison Committee and Rank and File What is needed is not yet anorber tendency to counterpose itself to these bodies, but one committed to fighting within them for their unification on a democratic hasis. Only on these conditions will its fight for socialist policies in the trade unions make a real contribution to building a class struggle left wing rather than a sectarian excuse for bot
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Why we're coming...
Since the collapse of the British Leyland Motor Corporation, and its full-scale backdoor nationalisation under the banner of British Leyland, the company s union leaderships have had their own versions of the Social Contract. This Social Contract involved the unions in participation In form or another. plains PAT HICKEY.
Welcomed by Communist Party as a major extension of democracy, participation has meant the unions carrying management decisions, Improving producti vily, punishing strikers, accepring redundancies.
In the interests of a strong Leyland' the union leaderships have acocoledan incomes policy more stringent than the one being enforced nationally. Is greatest success to dale was the Michael Edwardes meeting last month when union epre-
and management SCULLYOS voted together to get rid of
20-30,000 jobs.
To continue on this course the union leadersbips have had to stifle the activity of their membership. When the toolmakers. struck
policy to SC Trade Unior
NAME..
ADDRESS.
TRADE UNION...
Labour mosement preitions beld.
Pat Hickey
bosses concentrated on attacking the strikers.
When Leyland management refused to recognise Thornell as deputy steward, the unions responded laying charges Thornett and eight stewards Wage negotiations have been handed over to a joint negotiating not accounlable to the shop Door. The combine committee has
has done nothing to help the Speke workers except issue a one statement. ек- Plunt leaderships have be-
come the front line for ITE DUELaC
the process continues the unsons int
Leyland will be mere tools of management, The left must begin organise now to challenge Lis situation, to fight for an end to participation, BERISE Edwarde's plan, in defence of living sandards.
This can be done by building a class struggle opposition in Leyland which unites national level all tendencies and forces who are opposed to the policies of the present leadership.
SLOE Socialist
trade union conference provide those of us in Lesland with an opportunity to learn from the CHICTCTLL militants in other unions and sectors about now to beell-to build a strong class struggle the unions opposition.
...why don't you?
If you are interested in attending the Socialist Challenge Trade Caion Conference, just fill in this form and send it
Ice. PO Box 50, London NI.
Denny Fitzpatrick is a member of the Executive Committee of the SocialAlan seniot ist Teachers Alliance and
La leacher at Paddington against School in London. Five other London schools
including her own are committee. presently facing closure
For amalgamation. They are fighting back.
By 1978.
Government Education liget tost authe 11,000 million the this brities,
these Tory policies have been Implementing cuts piecemen! -squeezing and saving in every
10 possible area.
The trade union leaders have done little to stop this. The
the closure of teacher
colleges, reduction in ances, cuts in supply and part-time teaching increases in the price of school on meals have followed. those Now, to make real savings,
the authorities are having 1o make cuts that really hurt. So with 20,000 registered unemChallenge ployed teachers (and more
will besides) union members are
being compulsorily transferred from one school to another.
of redeployment,
redundancies closure of schools.
The Government and authShites ha matest le curbacks. bombers of children cotering scheois school insures are say rationalisation for such "falling rolls.
In Westminster three newlybuilt face the threat of closure and this threat we have produced aD allergative man. based on keeping all sebools oper and safeguarting all jobs. Unlike the authority's, it is bot limited to three sclools, bur
community hased schools with a class size of 25. Wich less children, our plan provides for More space and more equip ment all round.
Our
Denny Fitzpatrick
committee Labour
will have
che support we've got real action with no alterative to
ority is plunned.
Executive has limute training allow- to local protests.
stafT dEU
Teachers" sacked w and the left in the policies recent STA candidates
There are declining
- they lell un that
Socialist
leadine bodies comprebensive schools
To answer
Dur plan is
shall Socialist
lighting for
nationally for policies and
carpaigo in West Wesminster.
minster involves the students, parents and local trade union Bts. We have formed democ ratic and representative inter-
committees schools; an inter-school action
to involve the
Through the Trades Council. we have called a public meering to broaden the base of the collaboration campaign and we organised a lobhy of the London Regional Labour Party Conference. Our Coal Board, next step will be to turn the
into some a lobby of the Tener London Education Auth
Westminster NUT has taken the lead in the campaigo. But
nationally DO solicy to defend education. Th
action against the Covernment 5 cuts
Instead mounting i campaien against pay restraint. the Gesernment's atacks it has
apported the Social Contrac word
nd disciplised members wh wanted tu take effective action. from
salaries have dec lined about 30 per cent. A light against school closures, against right-wins cuts in wager. jobs and service involves a fight against the right with Socialist Teachers They
Socialist obliged Alliance is piedped to uniting democratic
NUT araurid majority for a lightback. la membershipcloctions in London. carne withi 200 votes (our of over 4,000) of Excative andidates. The STA detcating the right-wing. even is a democratic tendency with The open debate in its journal
Teucher, and all Currents represented on its
Bur the left in the NUT is wage claim still divided. An important task before us is to unify theleft on a democratic bails, io parricular for the STA to unire wich the SWP inspired Rank and File. sacrifices
be going 10. the Challenge Trade Unien Conference not to find all the answers but to discuss how to build a broad based and united opposition in the unions - one that can begin to fight
the sort of once actions we're around
SOCIALIST CHALLENGE supplement 30 March 1978 page 4
Dick Hall
by DICK HALL, NUM MEMBER, and supporter of The Collier, Worksop Main Colliery, N. Derbyshire.
WHO WOULD have suspected there
between our officials in the National Union of Mineworkers, the
Government linking the introduction of productivity deals and our annal wage claim?
The same Labour Govern ment which came to power on the backs of the miners, and incidentally the same Govern- our ment which had the key election promise of a return to froe collective bargaining.
Somehow this turned into the most rigidly enforced voluntary
This kind ol beirayal..bloody hell, wrong
again.co-operation must require certain sacrifioes
Ibe participants, which hear close scrutiny.
Elen Joe Gimle an the
majority Now NUM crocutive (usually 14 to 11) had to make sacrifices
were. for example, the
union was the remember, who insisted on having a ballor on the productivity scheming with
after conference had rejecled these proposal.
leadership was aus forced to overturn the decision of the annual conference that's the jamboree we all thought was our supreme body) on our
They didn't of course, have their own staodard of living cut, but then we can't really expect them to shoulder all the
There has been a dramatic change since the heady days of
*72 and "74. Even in apparent
success the soods of defeat can be sown. Half of what you gain by militant action is lost around the nepotiating table, someone
said well understood by Lord Wilber- an force, who headed the inquiry after the 72 strike.
was open so-called moderate
and this Tory...er. sorry....Labour
His report contained two dangerous clauses. Clause 4R moved the date of negotiating
annuil claim from November • to March, which meant we lost four months and considerahly weakened our bargaining strengin
Clause 53 was just al serious 11 said that there should be a productivity scheme. which 'should be agreed nationaly and could he based on increase individual combination of the two.
LEL reaping the harvest.
More deaths, accidents and disease are on the cards with cac introduction incentive schernes designed to break the unity of the union.
The NUM left has also been shown to be wanting FRosd
the undemocrats manoeuvres of the right-wing, first Kent last October and then Arthur Scargill's Yorkshire Area in December looked to the courts rather than the power of the rank and lile
The Government has achiyed sometbing which the Torie only dreamt of the maicy of the miners. have lost our strength pinning our hopes bit our nonrecallable officials
What we have failed to realise is that miticant action by itself is not sufficient in the face of an enormoss crisis and the Government's The Sociulist Challenge Trade Union Conference will provide
iportant FELLIE! mlitants to discuss our political Tespouse
← Socialist Challenge No. 39, 1978Socialist Challenge No. 40, 6 April 1978 →