Socialist Challenge No. 41, Battle of Ideas Supplement on Fight for Socialist Alternative, 13 April 1978
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Page 1 scan of this page
The fight for a socialist
SIX POINTS OF VIEW
AFTER THREE months of debate and discussion about revolutionary strategy and tactics for Britain today, the International Marxist Group will be meeting in national conference next weekend. Socialist Challenge has already given space in two Battle of Ideas supplements because we feel that the issues under debate are of concern to militants well beyond those in the ranks of the IMG.
On 2 February, 1978, Socialist Challenge printed a supplement which contained the line of advance put forward by the majority of the outgoing leadership.
The second supplement -in the 9 March issue of the paper - reflected the IM's debate on women's liberation.
With this issue of the paper, we publish a number of
battle ot
altemative
contributions being presented tothe IMG, as well as the views of some comrades outside the IMG who have been invited to attend pre-conference discussions.
IMG members contribute as individuals to both the written and oral debate in the organisation through the pre-conference discussion bulletins and in branch and area meetings. In addition, IMG members have the rightto formtendencies and factionsso that individuals can meet together across branches to develop their political positions, advance their most powerful speakersat thearea and branch meetings, and gencrally to takesteps to maximise their ability to win support for their positions.
The travel expenses of tendency and faction speakers toarea meetings are met by the organisation, and equal time to that of the outgoing leadership is given to these groupings to present their views at such meetings.
Members of the IMG will participate in the debate at
BATTLE OF IDEAS Supplement 13 April, 1978, page
ideas
MAJORITY
TROTSKYIST OPP.
TENDENCY L.
HARRIS
WOMEN'S LIBERAMON CONSTITUTION.
conference, and elected delegates will choose between positions offered by the outgoing icadership, and those of IMG members contained in this supplement. There are two organised groupings around this general debate: the Trotskyist Opposition Faction, and Tendency One.
In addition, an individual contribution by comrade Alan Harris will be the political basis for delegations to conference. All minorities will be represented proportionally on the incoming leadership once a majority has been established for whatever positions command the broadest support.
In addition to this strategic and tactical debate, the IMG will be adopting a fundamental position on the norms of how a revolutionary organisation should function. A tendency has been formed concerning the organisation of women within the party, and delegations will also be elected on this basis.
Page 2 scan of this page
BATTLE OF IDEAS Supploment 13 April 1978 page 2
ONE
..unless the revolutionary provide answers to the situation and evolve
apable of linking it to the masses, it owa crisis will continue apace." (Final sentence of centre-page article by JOHN ROSS, Socialist Chailenge, 12th January 1978)
La stratey for struggles of workers and oppressed masses towards overthrow of capitalist class rule, the dictatorship of the proictariat, and the socialist transformation of human
Our programme is a body of ideas, policies and practice resting on the struggles and experience of all the workers and oppressed masses of the world. It expresses the historic tasks of social class international working champions the interests oppressed and exploited. If exists, is maintained and developed, through the systematic, activity of revolutionary marxists.
Party
That is why Trotskyists insist on the necesatv of bulidine mass revolutionary parties in all countries as part of a world-wide Leninist party. Only such a party can organise revolutionary action to advance the struggle for socialism. Only such a party is able to defend and develop the theory of the working revolutionary marxism — in order to carry forward the light to resolve the crisis of proletarian leadership.
Without such a party it is impossible 10 build Teadership consistently basing itself on the global struggies of the workers oppressed, practical lessons and needs arising develop corroct policies and a way forward to socialism. class history confinims this fact.
The opportunist Icadership of the workers' movement today represents the main political problem facing the masses in the struggle to defend and AV E EILEALELIE
TWO
National Conference — can we make a real turn away from small group politics towards the
of a new radicalisation which is affecting all sections of the mass movement, workers, women, the youth, black and gay people?
The IMG National proposes that the continue its main thrust
te slogan or me unified
slogan, Revolutionary Organisation." betieve that such a line adds up to an orientation towards the existing lar left organisations and their periphery.
Such an orientalion severel" distorts the work of the IMG in the mass
-the movements (such liberalion movomcot), the wawwctake upcampaigns, our electoral policy and
* Vic mnk that thê way the NG roue
re-groupment party-building culs proletariss orientation, in two ways:
1) We have tended to tailor our programme to fil in with the political
pampie ohethocatlet uriry, Fo-
Laour dos nor include the call for a- example the SOCEINI
Government, Common Ground' is ambivalent on DUE CIRRS POSICARIE SHE WAC BIRTUEG DE SEIE "Stalinist states' as bureaucratised NICHESS SAIICS.
2) Bocause the orientation of the IMG begins from the sentiments of the far left, we have failed to project an orientation with sufficient coergy towards the mass organisations and towards new activists and militants WIIU are emereine rin toc mass BUPCIUCUL.
As a result the IMG is orientated
left can
present trateg halt or reverse its decline.
for the
rotten leadership.
political
Sectarian Alternative
advancing
(TOTOUBOR)
challenge social democratic
Feb 1978, p2).
La) We foroes on the full revolutionary
class. lE
of all
SPAlEY
organised
practice threatens
Trotskyist movement.
that organising
cerorinisnl.
consistent
*that left
ciass they could
revolutionary which, this project
and grasp the
OTCE
bureaucracy.
All working
Weak Link the towards TETALIVE
orientated ALUNALUS forces, particularly the youth.
Comnittee IMG should
towards the Labour
Unified a number of ways:
struggle).
LULODEIEIOUS the womens
elections
Union elections. method
bF 1970-
have
LEWLSaUN, the Birmingham,
teachers over pay.
DYCT pay.
the further socialist-feminist current.
5) struggles
ravages imposed by the decay of the Imperialist system and all attempts to
Political defeat of the labour sureaucracy is a necessaty conditios
emergence ol a mass revolutionary party to replace this
Our programme and practice must therefore advance i political strategy to meet this task.
The IMG leadership calls for "the links construction of a socialist alternative o. Labourist politics in the nationa. TC AIICA WOUR ATOUB LOELIN all revolutionary socialist foroes to
politics politics. all along the line.' (Battle of Ideas, 2 This
ee should fiht to comp bee
programme marxism which includes building a revolutionary socialist International. The tendency of the IMG 1o counterpose the "socialist alternative' grouping of revolutionary socialists to this task in
political integrity and development of tie
b) It is a sectarian error to declare
those already "converted" is a serious strategy to win new and decisive forces away from
The IMG attacks the SWP's project to orgazasog souuanes, pomnny ou
social democracy and its ideas had to be cocountered before
be combatted and defeated". (ibid). It is a good point. We won't meet many reformist ideas in the course of aroumine toucther
socialists" Whether their zoes under the sean *Build the Socialist Alternative' or "Build the Socialist Workers Parcy' in neither case does il offer a political strategy to advance the mass struggle and decisively challenge the labour
Reformist politics predominate in Tne Brinsa labour movemenE tromP to bottom. To break this chain we need to find its wetk link. This cannot
HOU U around the far left, and is not
WInTDE from amongst BaY
In the present period thousands of
forces Lion are coming forward in the mass struggle looking for alternatives to capitalism, and the rolten policies ol
leaders. This new radicalisatiln can be seen reflected in
1) the re-emergence of the mass struggle in the unions (such as the FBU strike and the teachers' pay
2yThe strong support for far left candidales in national trade union
the 38,000 in the last clections of the Transport Workers' Union; the 22,000 in the Engineering
ments) radicalisation, in ihe vanguard WNSME Fouth
of wan was tac oraca youte 3o Bca response to the racist campaign in the
WAISE CHHTY involves thousands of young people
•DCCI IUYCIYEE mobilisations aguinst the fascists (at
anti-YNF and so cil) against memployment, and school students taking solidarity actions witk the
4) The continued radicalisation of women, reflected in significant strikes
conditions and whoo recognition, the strengthening of the wownen's liberalon movereil and
crystallisation of tbe
The number of important involving black and IEILTIL F
revolutionary left" who have broken ATCOLY CACI CEXS AIM CEOTEN.
We must turn to the broad layers of millant acivits in the trade union and the Labour Party, in the shop Lewards movement and amone the youth and oppressed sections society. These militants, overwhelmingly influcnced by reformism, have come to the fore in many strucale: over the past period.
Their vanguard position, and close
with the masses, confronts these militants with the conflict between the immediate noods of the mass struggle and the practical effects of class collaborationist
proved sharp enough in the heat of certain struggle
partially escapes the control and political framework of the reformist ureaucracy. The task for Trotskyists is to win this vanguard of militant workers to systematic and total break with reformism. It will not occur spontaneously.
Kevlationary Strategy
This means revolutionists must intervene alongside militant workers to open the road for consistent class
Propaganda for CWTCOUS SN Trotskyist policies drawn up to moel the acrual needs of the masses as opposed to the policies of class collaboration is a vital task. alone is tot enough.
We must fieht in the labour
independent IPSCOILER for organs the of creation struggle, representine ,and uniting sections of the masses, to advance
class against capitaliscs, Initially, these organs of sruggle will take various forms too numerous lo detail bere CINI TALIL COEELELLSCOLIECU fight Ciovemmient Cutbacks in the
: commitiees and elected commissions to exumine
of specific firms or branches of industr:
Within such bodies we should fight for revolutionary policies as well as dertanding support from "left" labour Jenders for the policies and strugeles they develop.
workers Grunwicks being the most outstand ing example.
the 5000
The way the IMG relates to these developments and its ability to fight to build a clear current in the mas movement around a class struggle programme will be the important lest in the coming period Our autbority to light for principled
units will depend on TCVELULIODNY our ability to implant oursclves in the new radicalisation.
A prolétarian orientation therefore involves the IMG In making a turn towards the mass movement, Labour party, trades unions, social move-
the youtl Such orientation wil be decisive if we are ti win a base amongst workers and youth. The recruitment of a serious number of workers and youth to the IMG over the coming period will bath be proof of the IMC s ability to relate
present radicalisation, and will Teme for butin tse tedi. qualitatively basis tiacaren athe broadness of the
Giveri radicalisation the IMG must combine LACUICS NJICU SDYOIYO intervention into the life of the mass orpanisations and social movements through:
*promoting centralised campaiens (anti-racism, abortion. troops out of Ircland, unemployment, solidarity with dissidents in the bureaucratised workers states, for democracy in the workers" move-
CLOE United Class Front
In this way the material basis is laid for building a united class front to carry tornard srege and appressed. It also prepares tb way for the future emereence of rea of organs of workers power, uniting the
broad masses on the basis of widest democracy Soviet organs represent the highest form of the class-wide united front. They will be sharply the basis for workers state power to
repinoe that of the capitalisis, don't expect factory committees or soviets to spring up overnight neither next week nor on the eve of the socialist revolution. It is mecessary to take steps now to prepare the basis for this development.
The strateay building pre-soviet organs of strugsle and tiehtine for the anited chiss tron. is one that needs of the claws struggle and opens the road to socialist revelution, It is a serious political strategy to fight the орешиста arming anguard with a tine for the mass and creating the best conditions to win this vanguard to conscious and consistent, rejection of reformist politics.
Elections
We oppose the Socialist Unity ractie wluch offers merely slogans for a This *socialist alternative
linked only to the strategy for 'unified revalutionary As we have argued, this is a sectarian line in the mass struggle and a false trpad Disis For reponar MERISE DERIS
Our strategy keads to 3 tactical the
tion in boergcois clections, all of them link with and reinforce our everyday from work.
L Stand Trotckyist candidales to propagandise the programme and strategy of revolutionary marsisi
platform of support for independens drpatis principled, hut partial, policies linked to specific strugeles. For example, i platform of End all immigration controls, organise apainst racist attacks.* -oulaung anuca tronts to acrena the basic interests of the working class and oppressed (like the fight against attacks on democratic rights; against
far wage controls).
autonomous
DOI DCl
most
cliess
bureaucracy
an
impossible
At present method
politica
and relating
pretence
DI workers
the
of workers' power
We class
independentiy
power!, osthned ahove Ini propaganda
answers the immediale
TEYUEIDILET locality,
the militant
this campaign,
Summary Trotsyists
Ising the
To. THTpw practically
organisation": victory revolution.
Support candidates on a clear
There. , struggle and
self-detence struggle, tionary party. youth
wan! buikding
struggle
our
available it is such 80 tlink our militants and
perlod. (maKCs revo.
the existing
Such a candidacy/ platform makes
answcr all che Immediate tasks facing the working class. It does show a line to advance the mass strugale on a particulur question and hegins lo reveal, in practice, an overall political strategy fof which it is a part) for deleating the labour bureaucracy in the course of adsancing the immediate interests of the workers and oppressed. 3. In many arcas there will be no candidates supporting a principled strategy for workers power againsi
collaboration. Here, militants and class conscious fighters will vote
Revolutionists should CaNNNEE
under the slogan: *Vore Labour, hut fight for workers
This would combine for Trotskvist gramme with a light to win suppor for specific policies and methods of Srugale that ane the hasis of everyday
intervention in the
As with the other clectoral tactics. We aith to win Labour actisists, trade unton and other malitants to support
mast light among militant workers in the class strugele
siralemie nithod 01 1he transisonal programume to help them
off the dead hand of reformist Icadership and show the
struggles 1o chrough the socialist
Leading people into the editorial
Socialist Challenge into Socialist Unity and so on, does not begin this prosess.
The Trotskrist Opposition Faction has major political differences with the IMG lendership. It is impossible te detail these in the space available
The above statement only indicates some uf the main points of an alternative line lo that offered hy the leadership at this conference.
leading forces to organise around building initiatives in the class
educating militants and activists in Marxism, having debates with them, not existing radicals or ageing bureaucrats. Within this spirit Socialist Challenge must become a builder of the IMG, winning recruils and organising sympathisers for the organisation buliding the revolu-
This appronch to the paper is ar honest and revolutionary one. It will not repel otber organisations who
ta diseuss the prospect
Rather it will show them the way IWHCE C OEnO ....... forward in relating lo the class
To these organisations we should not adopt gimmicks, or compromise
programme, opell discussions on the main political questions which divide us — with no pre-arranged agendas on cither side
make these discussions meningful we must place them in the context of joint work in the mass strugele. Only that will create the conditions for a favourable outcome.
Our tendency has been formed becuuse we want to put forward an organised alternative position to that ol the esdershio. Howeser. wedo nol
differences are of programumatic nature, bat revolve around the precise tacties that the IMG needs to adopt im the coming
TENDENCY ONE
Page 3 scan of this page
THREE.
A offensive deepens and the THE RULING
class collaborationist character at the labour burcaucracs becomes more exposed, important new layers of workers are radicalising and taking a more critical attitude towards the trade union and Labour Party leaderships,
In particular, the number of young workets who are prepared to fight for their rights is growing as more and more sacrifices are demanded of them,
The radicalsation in deeply affecting the traditionally more conservative layers of the workforce too A number of white collar, public service and developing radical currents.
The leadership of the Fire Brigades Union together with their counterparts in the TUC) were able to sell out the firemen'sstrike, but they were not able to prevent the first strike in the history of the union
This strike, like Grunwicks where Asian women went on strike, shows
deepening mood of militancy developing within very diverse sectors
the population. Today. strikes soon take on a political character and more often than not begin to question the capacity of the
and doepens the radicalisation.
This conflict between
is at the heart of the class strugale but it does not constitute its sum total. The nature of the ruling class offensive also hos a social and political character. Youth, students, women, blacks, immigrants, have all,
OnC degree or another, affected by and responded to the
right
FOUR
Fi 1978 Conference of th important DUBIOCT OF ways.
IMG itself, it
opporturuty consolidate orientation which underlies Socialist Unity (SU) and Challenge (SC): the building broad "class struggle tendency in the working clasa movement,
Jibe building revolutionary left in general
The British far left has experience in plenty of the pitfalls in building revolutionary organisations. sectarian disaster 01 The Labour League led by Gerry left us with a rump:
Revolutionary Party) The failure of political development and internal democracy in the Socialists left us with an organisation (theSocialist Workers Party)largeand flexible enough important initiatives, bur politically and organisationally too narrow and sectarian to really begin to break out of
class ruling class offensive.
The Labour Bureaneracy
success in
possible.
blatant and reactionary against the working class
labour movement.
from taking ary measures?
such relative case?
most
Hugh Scanlon, capital and
class policies
been
Raciss
the left's marginality. in For the litter an organisations, the both Socialist 003 3048
since, while still
together
united is the largest
The
Healy for unity on the Worters
forces under left-reformist politics.
International
partial setbacks,
An objective assessment of the class struggle in Britain shows that the capitalist class, through the Labour
THS TO considerable unpicmcaung its anti-
able to make the workers pay for the ment, the cuts, austerity, inflation, and the usc of troops to break strikes, in a far casier way than it nagined Without doubt, the ruling class has been able to drive ahead with the most
measures without meeting any rcal opposition from the Why has this been possible? Why hasn't there been massive opposition
How can Callaghan
The ruling class offensive has been successful due to the support and col laboration of the Labour Party and trade union leadership, Not only have these labour burcaucrats co-operated with the government, in some cases the leaders of the most powerful trade unions in the country (Jack Jones,
for example) have become the architects of anti-working Themilitancy of the firemen showed that it was possible to win their strike. labour bureaucrats cannot tolerate. It triptiens them. onset thor das-to day routine, gets in the way of their
AFCI with some of them doing good work in limited areas, most of them embattled in the dead-ends of
The IMG has a special responsibility
by any serious standards a very small organisation, it
group of the far left apart from the SWP. It therefore has a major role, not just in expanding ant uniting the forces involved in SU and SC, but also in leading our forces to exert a consistent, principled pressure
the SWP and furthermore in intluencing the larger
the broad sway of
The key for the IMG must be to
accept HENS responsibility entails, and not to be Sured into ans short cuts either limited successes already achieved by the present orientation, or by any
and undermines positions.
This is why they called off the firemen's strike at the carliest possible moment without winnine a single
For the bureaucrats any struggle
seen as a struggle against themselves.
WEESUMUL. cannot stop the class strugel. They can divert it but they cannot suppress
menis they of bo me many re.
ments Ines might make bosses and the government. Much to their consternation the class struggle keeps breaking out, often where they least expect it (the FBU, Grunwicks)
The labour leadership is not all-powerful but it does have a deep hold on the labour movement. It is this entrencled position of the labour burcaucracy and its commitment of total collaboration with the Labour government which ALLITES BASIL than anything eise for the fact that there has been no real fight back against the reactionary measures of the Callaghan administration.
But the fact that Labour bureaucracy cooperates with ruling class, has no stomach for a fight, and preaches class collaboration is not new. It has been doing this For decades" But at the same time, particularly in periods of capitalist expansion, it has bee able to get econdinic and political concessions from the ruling class.
Today this situation has fundamentally changed. Because of the crisis. reforms are not there any more Just Approach a skin noThing The cap-in-hand
sets from bosses these days. this
tha the
DEMA
And style
On the main lines of your tactics, then, there is little disagreement. In particular, commitment non-exclusive class struggletendencics in the unions is very important. It is your serious attitude to ongoing TU work, as well as work in other movements — such as the womens' movenicer, which is a major reason why the IMG is now much more respected among militunts.
At the same time, there are some queries. In the political situation which you describe, the very paralysi of much of the organised working class can, in the short run, give a new lease of life to the sorts of protest movements which were important in the "50s and
The anti-Nazi movement, maybe the anti-nuclear movement, especially merit a consideration which
SWP, after all, has really been living politically off anti-Nazism for much
past gains, let alone win new ones which will kad to explosions and exacerbate the divisions which already exist between the TANKAR CANO T HEELE
To deepen these fundamentally change the situation so that the bureaucracy & no longer able to maintain its grip on the labour movement will require the mobilisation of millions against the ruling class and the labour burenucracy wTo susand Traiskyits projec building a class struggle left wing in the Labour Party and wade unions as part of our strategic aim for the working Lass Lo devcop lutionary socialist leadership.
towards the Labour Party and trade unions and WOTH promote and win support for our class struggle programme and metbods
The fundamental task facing Trotskyists today is to claborate and apply a proletarian orientation, which will allow us to sink roots, increase our influence in the lahour movement, the and win working class militants to the IMG. This is necessary to achieve our long-term goal of building a class struggle leadership in the labour movement and a mass revolutionary party.
Task:
It is only by agreement with, and carrying out of, this Fundamental task that alliances will he built which can strengthen the IMG. the The political resolution and theses new on tactics submitted by a majority of labour the IMG national committee to the
EQUA
OF LIC BESE YESE OT WO
Secondly, this raises a more basic
MEIG SUME recomposition of the vanguard of the to MOLACED BOYCOUCH WILSOUL SOCIDE how much this involves
the influencing of existing militants
and oreanisations that is imoorant Brothe into alich de beene hanupht into activity
"militants" in various fields
relates, obviously, to the criticisms of SC which have
widely.
Regroupment
While the IMG has been right to stress the primary importance of the political basis for regroupment, it is and probably the case that these secondary
questions of tactics and even style are the greatest stumbling hocks for many people. It will be necessary to discuss
Them more, as wen as toargue unat Ene)
should be secondary to the politics.
cannol coco maintan April
big social
divisions and
the IMG.
groups which
This militants, within them ramme and
concentrate on
work SOMe the IMG
ALAN HARRIS
ABBLISH
15 Badges availuble from the Otber Book Shop, 328/9 Upper Street, London Nir
also the
ACTUALC This
been made quite
agrocmeat.
which
Committee).
BATTLE OF IDEAS Supplement 13 April 1978 page 3
national conference project Socialist Unity and revolutionary regroupment as important ways to build our organisation in the next period. Because these projects are not based on deepening and extending our work in the labour movement, they cut across a proletarian orientation and become an obstacle to building
Ve can take important steps 1
vercome the plethora of left win
presently exist, through general calls for unity, but b carrying a political offensave toward them. At the same time we must show by our concrete work in the labou movement, and by building the united front type coalitions on key social and political questions, that we are the mast able and dedicated class struggle
equipped with the pros organisational concepts that can build a Deninist type party.
In the coming period we must eloping and giving leadership to the
our supporters are doing in the labour movement. We BEE LOOKIE TURNEDE SOOTHE ers we have in the LP and trade
effective solidarity actions with strikes and other working class strugeles; take into the Labour
them; work out ways and means to win the most exploited and oppressed layers of the working class wome blacks, immigrants and youth — to
17
The issue of regroupment of forces within and through Socialist Unity is rightly put in the context of larger revolutionary unity. It is however of real importance, precisely as a step towards that unity. The period after the May electices must be used by the IMG, Big Flame, the International Socialists Coordinating Committee and otlers in SU to discuss the issues involved, and begin to formulate the steps which are necessary
The general principles for regroupment put forward bythe IMGare in the main ones on which there can be wide
Dessay. however, to discuss frankly the arcas
past contentious, such as relations with the
MARTIN SHAW, (member of the
Page 4 scan of this page
FIVE ..
all the work which the
Howard ten maily here is
puts into initiatives
remarkable lack about what sort of unity it is trying to initiatives will mean little to socialist mantants outside the revolutionary left.
And without these moltants all that would be achieved would be at worst, a slightly enlarged IMG, and at best a new rival to the SWP with double the IMG's membership.
The Ambiguity of Socialist Unity
Do the IMG want anything more than a new revolutionary organisa tion? It's not always clear that it does, except on a sectoral level broad alliances like the Socialist Student Alliance and the Socialist Teachers" RESHEL The ambiguities come to a head
aroand Somalist Umty.
Socialist Unity is projected as a broad alliance of those prepared to fight for socialist policies on immediate issues. Sometimes it is projected as a vehicle of revolutionary regroupment which makes sporadic forays amongst the masses during clections.
Of course there need not be contradiction between moves towards revolutionary unity and the creation of broader socialist alliances. On the contrary, revolutionary unity is most
where revolutionaries together to create an alliance able to extend to influence activily Jar bevond the scope of an One organisation.
But Socialist Unity for the present 1s, in practice, restricted to revolutionaries, at least as far as continuing involvement is concerned. despite conditions being ripe broader alliances, at least on a local level, It is because of the way the IMG have built Socialist Unity; as a unity based on a) precise programmatic agreement and, by a commitment to stand candidates against Lahour, More than Revolutionary Unity?
Does it matter that the ING's approach tends Unity to revolutionaries? Is there in fact potential for anything more, in
SIX
"The light socialist alternative' can be a usetal basis discussion of the major facing the revolutionary left only, or so much, because of its own merits as because of the near-total ansence ol any scrious discussaon of anywbere else on the far left.
In this respect the theorists of "Eurocommunism" have done serious job, their scrofulous reformist standpoint confronting political have most marxist groupings.
The document is right to put the finger on the role of the bureaucrac
THEADOORS BOCULEILE pliance with the social contract, with all the disillusion and dissipation of energy that follows.
And it's right to emphasise not only (though perhaps not
element of sell-out and betrayal poetical and identical element specific the way the buremucracy has derailed
struggle. It also describes che bankruptcy of the CP well enough
It is ilso right to point out that a
truly mass party. solely through individual ment. But when importance of a
of an ambiguity present elsewbere in the text; unions or the Labour Party?
Given the transparently obvious fact
that the rank and file are not to be found in the Labour Party wards, any emphasis on the Labour Party as the locus of this "break' can diversion from the work that needs doing.
Equally if the trade unions are
meant, this gives a centrality lo th
reproupment"
of clarity
tendencies towards sectarianism. It is in part an awareness only instinctive
Left more oper
period during prepared to fight has sharpened.
during the mass Sometimes
STUCE BOLy
traditional
sation — - can fill that gap.
CELESTE
are working example,
of socialist
Unions tions do bol
Movement.
This political vacuum. for problems arc, Ba casic sense.
way.
Programmatic Unity
Socialist
Socialist Unity is not. building
constructive
questions
Trie,
political analysis, style
problems
agreement on
more believe in orientation cality, tha Labour Party and our
building moving sections of the
Ground'
enough) different perspective.
30 was the
the agenda
VILIDEDCHI SESHIC
recruitthe SECONd "break in the mass
we
the trade
reference to the Party organisations to interests of working people If this means tha
only he a
from pulling socialist
It is doubtful whether there would SACES be any genuine momentum towards regroupment unless the possibility of
militants beyond revolutionary left was constraining
that a unity drawing in many beyond the revoludonary left is possible, which ba
to unity amongst
mass struggle in the last lew years causing us to huddle together. It is rather that this period, where mass struggle has been lacking, has boen a
which the divide between the compromisers and those
Those who are prepared in fight are more acutely aware than ever they
industrial struggles of the early '70s of the
of the political prog rammes of both the Labour left and LEOUL the CP. The experience of revolutionaries in their local labour move ment activity is that this crisis of the
Left and the limits o isolated militancy have developed far more rapidly than has the strength of the revolutionary left. No one organi-
even the SWP would agree
"is clear from, alliances are for But poor response to the GEnEral recent Rank and File and the Liaison Committee for the Deferice of Trade
conferences that the condiexist contempora tel the sectoral movee Vational Minority ments that do exist cannot fill the
The militants who sense this vacuum are not concerned merely about the
of their own union; they socialists. The sap is only likely to be filled throuch initintives which begin to oreanis. these militants as socialistsin however loose, locally based and modest a
IM's tactics, going to be very
rank-and-file-based opposition groups in the unions which is not fully evident from the rest of the
section
Which leads on to the next point.
orensation ol tens of thousands of militants can be built in
despite differences of and tactics. But essential for this is not only broad
some comrades main political should be towards the main trade union orientation should be towards
block with leftward DITCHICA then no amount of 'Our Connor
style restatements basics of marxism will make up for the Tact mat tocre is no paste tor Doll in practice with comrades who have a
the 1Nd. pective of at least part of There were sigos in the past that this
fact that this seems no longer to be the cise pols a unnec organisation much nearer the top of
seen.
Thus when the document gocs on to
organisation being clear on the unite: front approach and on the need for rank and file organisations to be non-
can agree is refreshing to see that the Labour Party is mentioned in this context by
need to ger Labour do act in thi
it is important
politically to get local Labour Partie
involved in supporting anti-tasci campaigas, anti-curs committees, and so on, this marks a welcome change
with demands
helpful in stimulating such based initiatives towards militant
of socialists in different unions, different movements and different political parties many will still be in the Labour Party Communist Party). To see why, let's o back to the two aspects of th MG's approach which we argue ar particularly restrictive.
First, the emphasis on a precisc programmatic hasis for anity: chis nows partly from the IMG's assump tion that a fairly advanced degree of unity between revolutionary organi sations is a condition for and means to broader unity; in the IMG's view revolutionary regroupment will tend to come first. This is how it is put in "For us what was vital was the construction of a socialist alternative to Labourist polities in the nationa irena. We did not believe that thi alternative would of itself he trans formed into a mass party. But, more lo the point at this time, it would
together revolutionary socialist forces to challenge social democratic politics all along the line.
unity follows logicalprogrammatic
emphasis priority on regroupment. Regroupment of political organisations oi course has to be on a clear common programme otherwise vould soon break up with the form:
programmatic unity s, only meaningful between political organisations hecause by its nature It presupposes a period political dehate which in turn requires a political organisation This debate goes on among the 5,000 or so in and around the revolutionary left and to some extent in the Communist Party. independent multants to cold be among thousands drawn into socialist alliances, political debate is only just beginning. The very electoralism the Party, and the way its relation to the unions separates political from indus-
activity has starved most such militants political discussion.
In fact one of the main purposes of : ocialist alliance would be to provid a loose, non party framework for political debate to develop and, where appropriate, arrive at programmate other shibboleths.
Similarly it is good to see that the
transitional demands recognises that these are worked aut undedles peers CIne being taken ready-made and off the Mruggles workers" rather shelf from a programme written in, let us say. 1938.
But this also has implications for the area of emphasis of the revolutonary organisation, and the revolutionary paper, which must presumably reflec and be in some fruitful and living inter-relation with struggles of workers' before such demands can be worked out and developed.
Similarly, to call the Fourth International modest important gain' for the revolutionary movement is also 'modest' change frOm the
riumpbalism which referred to b world party of socialist revolution" in much the same substitutionalist styie
the International relabelling itself 'the party". much lies behind this remains to be
socialist democracy autonomous movements the TOTICES the correct positions Socialist Challenge which mark one of its greatest political strengths.
The section on "class struggle lef wings* is subject to the made above - these differ incidentally just bow from
utobomous rank and tie mose
ments, except that most workers hav some clue what you mean by che rank and file, but couldn't tell a CSLW from the man in the moon?
And where do you ger this bizarre
TORONTO EDELICE COCCIDE of the SWP rank and file approach -in what documents or texts has this
An alliance able to provide, howeve loosely. socialist through which these militants could organise, need only have as its basis of and formation, a commitment to social-
ism and to lighting the collaboration of the present leadership and ail forins of racism and sexism.
This will then be developed and given political cutting edge by activities of the alliance and political discussions which will pre cede and follow them, This is not a retreat into pragmatiam, a copitulation to the philistinism off abourism, /theoretical debate; stressing the necd Lor developing that debate which ensures its relevance to the problems arising in today's strugeles, and which makes sense within the political consciousness of socialist militants open to such alliances Election Tactics Now to consider the dectoral activity. The ING's mistake here is to jump from correctly, that the extraparliamentary socialist for an intervention in the national unity political process to the immediate and
general lactic of cloction campaigos against Labour In Such a tactic when based only on a
small group of revolutionaries, tends to be the case, is nor entirely witbout value. It may build the IMG branch or draw several new supporters into a revolutionaries.
But that is not the MCP's real argument for clectoral activits. The IMG argues that with the deepening crisis of the British political system and particularly the Labour Party, an electorul challenge by militants now Labour fighting
hegin to establish a alternative at a national level, thereby deepening the polirical crisis and of stimulating class struggle.
For this argument to have any practical meaning it's no good just calling a Socialist Unity candidate a 'class struggle candidate he/she happens to be a shop steward and widely, respected militant. An shortcomings of the Rank and File is much more prosaic impatience and shopkeeperly obsesexisting Lhan Finally, the section on the Labour
Party seems to repeat ine same kei ambiguity referred to above. Do you really believe that "the major political struggle from which a mass socialist party will emerge will take place in the ahour Party': your minds up?
So long as you can agree that the Labour Party should not be a major focus of activity at the moment, o wati we can see with our own eyesmass inflex of workers into it, I tind
but
Saturday-Sunday Socialista April 15-16 How
INTERNATIONAL London
and IMG
text
of
trily
CONFERENCE
framework
Unity bodies A labour movement
the
political TE CELINIS It is merely way of
sible, of gether. in
Socialist Unity question of
argusng. such a national movement should prepare tionaries Socinlist Unity group
the localities.
KENNY BELL, HILARY side) would - pobuics clear socialist
bocause ever been propounded by the
Following Bureaucrat Challenge
of
? Or can't you make
League)
MARXIST GROUP
1978
NATIONAL
BATTLE OF IDEAS Supplement 13 April 1976 page 4 lectoral challenge to Labour must be based on mrilicants who have been in the forefront of fighting Labour's policies and therefore have support in rank and file industrial and commu-
political challenge such as thi would tend to be possible only ar fairly advanced stage in the growth of a socialist alliance, but this would depend on a number Facts, particularly developments within the local Labour Party. The crucial port is that it can only be a tactical option for such alliances and by no means a condition for support at this stage. Theemphasis here has been on local socialist alliances way of achieving a socialist unity. Although there is not space here to discuss the relation between local and national developmentsan derail, it is important to stress that this emphasis does not belittle the importance, where pos
revolutionaries from dirTerence organisations working 10-
nationally co-ordinated ways, on joint projects, papers, etc
could be a frame work chrough which certain groups would thus organise. But the implication of our argument is that while
grouping of revolu10 help stimulate broader local alliances it should net pretend to be the national organisation of such alliances. The way such alliances develop from their saried local beginnings will depend primarily on national political der clopments: some of these might be sparked oft hy their localstrength.
Bur the dynamic of these national developmens will be significantly affected by the soccess with which the Socialist alliances have been built in
PETER SHORT, WAINWRIGHT (Tyne-
Here we have space only to muke our criticisms of the MG's approach lo socialist unity. We have not spelt out
approach which is implicit in these criticisms. In a further arace we hope to ounine a possinle alterautive, drawing lessons from our esperiences on Tyneside. the second position less worrying than the first: do let us know
the IMG, Socialist ISA and Big Flame conferences, ir should be possable to test out all these questions on the basis through Socialist Unity. common activity. . The ultimate 2OODCEUL test will be the ability of such a joint pole of attraction to draw towards it as many militants again as are in the component groups otherwise regroupment will be only a sterile exercise in redealing the existing pack of far-lelt organisations.
STEPHEN MARKS [Workers 1978 ING NATIONAL CONFERENCE
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